Inkommers is ’n eietydse verhaal, ’n kroniek van die Afrikaners – die familie, nie die volk nie – wat al van die Groot Trek se dae af wydsbeen oor die vuil Vaal in die Vredefortkoepel boer.
Klik hier vir nog inligting oor dié publikasie.
The post Nuut by LAPA: <i>Inkommers</i> deur Hans du Plessis appeared first on LitNet.
Dr Nechama Brodie challenges many of the myths used to narrate farm killings. She includes nearly a century of news reports, statistical data, legal cases and expert research on violence on farms, including violence experienced by farm labourers and in black communities surrounding mostly white-owned farmlands.
Farm killings in South Africa provides a compelling and heart-breaking record of the reality of violence in South Africa.
Click here for more information about this publication.
The post New from Kwela: <i>Farm killings in South Africa</i> by Nechama Brodie appeared first on LitNet.
Helaas is ’n bundel wat ondermeer staan in die teken van die toenemende ouderdom en naderende dood.
Die bundel bevat talle intertekstuele heenwysings na veral Nederlandse digters en hul werk, en die tweede helfte van die bundel bestaan uit vertalings uit die Middelnederlandse letterkunde, sowel van bekende, klassieke gedigte. Heelwat humoristiese en satiriese eie gedigte (ook liefdesverse) kom daarin voor.
In hierdie bundel word daar op intellektuele wyse ’n groot verskeidenheid onderwerpe hanteer en interessant genoeg sluit dit juis ook emosionele sake in. Die digter besin oor sy herkoms en sy toekoms, sy huis, sy lewe in sy gesin, maar ook oor ander digters en skrywers, oor sensitiewe en oor intellektuele kwessies.
Die gestrooptheid en direktheid van die verse spreek tot die leser. Daar is veel in dié bundel wat meevoerend en ontroerend is.
Klik hier vir nog inligting oor dié publikasie.
The post Nuut by Naledi: <i>Helaas</i> deur Hennie van Coller appeared first on LitNet.
Imagine that this terrific anthology was written expressly for you. Trust that you will find between these covers some variation of the theme “I wish I’d said …” as if it were spoken by your own lips …
Imagination saves us in dark days and the words on these pages will show you an experience that is as universal as it is individual. As you read the English translations of poems in all 11 languages, know that you will find resonance with a voice who knew what you were going through, albeit in a different language or cultural setting.
You will find verses about tight nights, insecure days, and ensuing months of wondering whether our loved ones would live, our children thrive, our jobs last, our economy emerge … You will find love poems to individuals who rose to the occasion and tributes to the resilience that shone through. You will find stanzas and elegies telling how people helped each other rebuild through the destruction, determined to conquer over hardship.
Picture an army of poets rising every day with the express intention of writing verses to comfort you. Imagine them writing in tiny rooms, grand houses, rural classrooms, on taxis on their devices, on plain notebooks beside ordinary beds. Envision hundreds of hands noting with delicate awareness your own powerful reactions to the events of 2021. Visualise each ear sensitively attuned your own vigorous expression, offering you a robust response in words to see you through the night. See how they capture your experience, bringing comfort and hope for each new morning.
The judges of the AVBOB Poetry Competition observed, yet again, that this powerful river of poems represented voices from every community, young and old. This collection contains a poem by a nine-year-old and an 83-year-old. The supreme efforts of all who entered the fifth AVBOB Poetry Competition in 2021 are found in the top six poems in each language, with three commissioned poems and a selection of Khoi and San poems. Enjoy the mother-tongue magic from top-level poets in this gorgeous anthology and be inspired to enter the next AVBOB Poetry Competition. The page waits for you and your imagination …
There are two compilers of this anthology. Johann de Lange made his debut with Akwarelle van die dors (1982) for which he received the Ingrid Jonker Prize. In 2009 he received the Hertzog Prize for Poetry for his volume of poetry Die algebra van nood. He lives in Cape Town. Prof Nxalati Charlotte Priscilla Golele was the founding chairperson of the Pan South African Language Board, and has served the Xitsonga National Language and Research and Development Centre between 2005 and 2008. She is dedicated to the development of African languages and elevation of their status.
Click here for more information about this publication.
The post New from Naledi: <i>I wish I’d said ... Vol 5</i>, edited by Johann de Lange and Nxalati CP Golele appeared first on LitNet.
Hy staan met sy rug na sy opponent toe gedraai. Die pistool in sy hand is gelaai en gereed om afgevuur te word.
1816. Die Kaap de Goede Hoop. ’n Jong dokter, James Barry, stap aan wal as ’n militêre chirurg se assistent. Goewerneur Lord Charles Somerset is ná ’n paar maande só beïndruk met die briljante Barry dat hy hom as sy huisdokter aanstel.
Nie almal deel Lord Somerset se entoesiasme nie. Somerset se aide-de-camp, kaptein Josias Cloete, wil weet waarvandaan Barry kom, en James se mediese kennis – hy praat dan selfs van ’n keisersnee! – ontsenu menige plaaslike arts.
Maar selfs nie eens die talentvolste medici van die tyd sou kon weet watter geheim die enigmatiese James in hom dra nie.
François Loots se roman, gebaseer op die lewe van hierdie aangrypende historiese figuur, wys hoe diep die spore van randfigure in die geskiedenis lê.
Klik hier vir nog inligting oor dié publikasie.
The post Nuut by Umuzi: <i>Die kapokdokter</i> deur François Loots appeared first on LitNet.
Carina Stander se Bergengel-trilogie word voltrek in twee dele: Die Waterplek: Afrika (September 2022) en Die Waterplek: Gabriëllië (September 2023).
Drie herfste het verloop sedert dié dag toe Gibor Verberger so half terloops die bestaan van die Waterplek aan sy seun bekendgemaak het. Baie water en bloed het intussen in die see geloop en nou verlaat die sewentienjarige Eron Verberger uiteindelik sy geboorteland in die hoop om die laaste Geseënde en sy pa by die Waterplek te vind: die skuilplek in Afrika wat Gibor vir die vlugtelinge van die Vuurstorm voorberei. By die hawe in Gabriëllië groet sy oom Ruach hom met dié woorde: “Jy, Eron Verberger, het ’n onverskrokke soort waagmoed wat my dikwels bevrees maak. Selfs as wordende Bergengel leef jy op die hoogtes, daar waar die lug min is en die gevaar so groot soos die uitsig.”
Dís die waarheid, want ná die botsing met Velvel Azazel in Bellar, waar Eron en Lia eers gedwing word om die Bloedverbond te smee en dan deur die Wonderwese bevry word, lê sy mees uitdagende reis voor. Die seepad is lewensgevaarlik en sy verhouding met Lia is ’n ingewikkelde vervlegting van wantroue en begeerte. Eron ontmoet nuwe vriende en ou vyande; ou vriende en nuwe vyande. Sy pad kruis met ’n flambojante heerseres en ’n slangbesweerder; ’n reusagtige seevaarder en ’n dogtertjie wat reënwind maak; ’n olifantkalf en ’n magiese ietermagog; koraalriwwe en ’n bergvesting waar towerspreuke skynbaar in elke groef en gleuf ingemessel is. Van die Onbekende Eilandgroep tot Olam, van Waširgzondu tot die Waterplek word Eron tot die uiterste gelouter, en moet hy homself afvra: Is hy been van Gibor Verberger se been en bloed van sy bloed? Is hy waaragtig die honderdste Bergengel van Gabriëllië?
Klik hier vir nog inligting oor dié publikasie.
The post Nuut by Protea: <i>Die Waterplek: Afrika, volume 1</i> deur Carina Stander appeared first on LitNet.
Die Toyota US Woordfees 2022 is in volle swang! Menán van Heerden deel ’n paar foto's.
Azille Coetzee
Veronique Jephtas
Dianne Albertze
Donovan Lawrence
Dan Sleigh
Zelda Bezuidenhout
Joha van Dyk
André Trantraal
Cliffordene Norton
Magdel Vorster
Elias P Nel
Matilda Burden
Grant Jephtas
Loit Sôls
Klara du Plessis
The post Toyota US Woordfees 2022: Eerste foto's appeared first on LitNet.
Foto: Menán van Heerden
As daar een ding is wat die pandemie my geleer het, is dit om versigtig te wees.
Oppas vir kieme, oppas vir risiko’s.
Ek dink gisteraand hieraan tydens die Woordfeesopvoering van die ATKV-Tienertoneel se wenproduksie. Jongmense op die verhoog. Besig om op te tree tydens die soveelste jaar wat die Tienertoneel-kompetisie aangebied word. Teater ten spyte van wat almal nou weet: Die kunste is ’n risiko. Daar is nie geld nie.
Vanjaar se Woordfees het my betrap soos moederskap my jare gelede betrap het – mens weet dis op pad, maar as die kind gebore word, is dit nog steeds oorweldigend.
Maar as mens dit nie opteken nie, hoe vervlietend ook al die aantekening, gaan dit net ongesiens verby.
Hier volg vlugtige aantekeninge.
Die tale wat ons praat
In Die tale wat ons praat is Donovan Lawrence van die Departement Afrikaans en Nederlands aan die Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland die gespreksleier. Hy praat met Dianne du Toit Albertze (Bottelnek breek bek), wat skryf in Gayle, Kaaps en Namakwalandse Afrikaans; Grant Jefthas (Afvlerkmens), wat skryf in skiem-Afrikaans, ’n term wat voortspruit uit laekostebehuisingskemas soos die omgewing waar die digter grootgeword het, Elias P Nel (sy jongste boek, Die Jirre is my wagter, is in Namakwaland-Afrikaans) en Loit Sōls (spreker van Goema-Afrikaans, met sy jongste bundel, Moerstaāl). Elkeen vertel iets van hulle uiteenlopende agtergrond. Elk lees voor uit haar of sy werk.
Vier skrywers op die verhoog. Vier verskillende maniere van Afrikaans praat. As “Afrikaans” die regte benaming is. Want wat is wérklik die norm? word gevra. Alles wat jy, spreker van Afrikaans, as die norm ag … waarom nie vanuit die gesigspunt van ’n kind op die Kaapse Vlakte (hipoteties) na die taal kyk nie? Dan is die taal in sy mond die norm, die standaard. En joune? ’n Ander variëteit.
Die skrywers se voorlesings is totaal verskillend. Elias Nel laat my nadink oor hoe ’n ouer generasie sprekers se taal saam met die sprekers uitsterf. Dianne du Toit Albertze praat oor hoe ’n woordelys agter in ’n boek dalk die onbekende woorde vir ’n leser kan ontsluit. Grant Jephtas deel hoe hy in ’n instansie soos een mens moet praat, maar by die huis soos ’n ander. Loit Sōls se woorde word sang en musiekklanke word gedig as hy lees en sing.
En dan is daar ’n vraag uit die gehoor: Hoe maak mens as onderwyser as daar so baie variëteite van Afrikaans in ’n klas geassesseer word?
Die vraag word nie bevredigend beantwoord nie, soos ook nie ’n vraag rondom hoe mens Afrikaans van sy politieke ideologie kan bevry nie. Dalk word dit nie bevredigend beantwoord nie want daar is nog nie antwoorde op hierdie vrae nie.
Uit die gesprek is dit duidelik: Skryf jou storie uit jou uit. In die taal wat jy praat. Taal en identiteit is vervleg.
My tyd loop uit. Ek sit in die motor en maak hierdie aantekeninge.
Foto: Menán van Heerden
ATKV-Tienertoneel-wenner 2022: mAaNmAaTs
Oor die ATKV-Tienertoneel-wenproduksie.
Hoërskool Parel Vallei se mAaNmAaTs het my oorrompel. (Nie net vir my nie. Jan-Jan Joubert skryf dis een van die beste produksies op die fees. Hy skryf ook: “Vergeet dat dit ’n skoolproduksie is. Dis in elk geval puik. Eintlik behoort dit ’n langer speelvak te hê, en almal wat lief is vir verhoogwerk - ook professionele mense in die bedryf - sal daarby baat om dié produksie te beleef.”)
Algaande het die titel van die stuk vir my duideliker geword: Mens droom as kind van dinge so vergesog soos die man op die maan. Later, as jou kleintydvriendskap doodgeloop het omdat iemand soos ’n Adam en Eva in die paradys raakgesien het wie’s kaal of wie se vel watter kleur is, is daardie vriendskap sommer net maan toe. Vir my was die toneelstuk ’n hartverskeurende drama en ’n vraag oor die dood van ’n Reënboognasie – ten minste ’n ernstige ondersoek na sy polsslag. Vir die tienderjarige in my huis was dit doodgewoon ’n stuk oor die verlies van vriendskap. Agterna, op pad huis toe, praat ons oor die laaste toneel en ek besef ek en hy het dit heeltemal verskillend geïnterpreteer. Is dit nie die kenmerk van goeie kuns nie? Verskillende dinge vir verskillende mense. Aangrypend. Uitstekende toneelspel. En hoe wonderlik dat Tienertoneel voortgegaan het, ten spyte van alles wat die afgelope paar jaar gebeur het.
As dit die toekoms van Afrikaanse teater is, vertoon die toekoms in al die kleure van die reënboog.
Tiek ons boksies in kinderboeke?
Van die “Tiek ons boksies in kinderboeke”-gesprek is daar die afgelope paar maande veel op LitNet geskryf.
Ter agtergrond, lees hier:
Het alles begin met die LitNet Akademies-artikel oor genderuitbeelding in die Trompie-boeke? En kort daarna volg ’n rubriek in ’n koerant waar vrae gevra word oor hoe sekere temas in jeugboeke uitgebeeld of betrek word.
Magdel Vorster is in gesprek met Joha van Dyk (Branderjaer en Vuurvreter), Zelda Bezuidenhout (oa Anderkant die blou, As mens geluk kon proe en Die 3 van ons), André Trantraal (Keegan en Samier-reeks) en Cliffordene Norton (oa Om jou te ken). Vir my staan dit uit in hierdie gesprek: Elkeen op hierdie verhoog is ’n storieverteller. En dis die belangrikste van alles. Soos Zelda Bezuidenhout sê: My belangrikste taak is om nie my leser te verveel nie.
Die skrywers skryf vanuit hul leefwêrelde, soos elk van die skrywers bevestig en deel. As hulle omgewings dan sekere boksies tiek, is dit toeval. Hulle het stories om te vertel, en hulle doen dit goed.
Nadine Petrick som die kern van die gesprek in hierdie artikel op.
Ek sit in die motor by my dogtertjie se hokkietoernooi en maak hierdie aantekeninge, want die oorblyfsels van Covid is orals sigbaar. Die kwartale en die sportseisoene is deurmekaar, en ek verheug my in die eienaardige alledaagse.
Soos in hierdie week se Woordfees.
Slotaantekening op dag 2 van Woordfees 2022: Moenie langer bang wees nie. Wees wild.
The post Toyota US Woordfees 2022-passasiersitplekaantekeninge: <em>Die tale wat ons praat</em>, <em>mAaNmAaTs</em> en <em>Tiek ons boksies in kinderboeke?</em> appeared first on LitNet.
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Opsomming
Ekonomiese geskiedkundiges het deesdae die kwantitatiewe middele om “geskiedenisse van onder af” te ontsluit. Ons wil die vraag beantwoord: Wat gee gewone mense die vermoë om beter lewens te bou, en wat weerhou die vryheid om dit te doen van hulle? In hierdie skrywe gebruik ek my familiegeskiedenis om hierdie vraag te beantwoord. Terwyl ek my familie deur die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis volg, gebruik ek ’n verskeidenheid kwantitatiewe bronne: universiteitsrekords, sterftekennisgewings, kiesersrekords, rekords van maatskappye met beperkte aanspreeklikheid, attestasierekords, belastingrekords, boedelinventarisse, om net ’n paar te noem. Hierdie rekords help my om te bewys dat Suid-Afrika goed gedoen het om die eerste les uit die ekonomiese geskiedenis − dat ons wetenskap moet gebruik om ons meer produktief te maak − te leer. Ons het egter eers onlangs van die tweede les − dat die voordele van hierdie produktiwiteit nie net aan ’n elite moet behoort nie − bewus geword. Suid-Afrika se lang tog na ekonomiese vryheid is dus nog ver van klaar af. Ons ambisie gaan egter verder: ons wil nie net die lang pad na ekonomiese vryheid beskryf nie, maar dit uiteindelik ook bevorder. Solank ons die regte lesse uit die verlede leer, lyk die toekoms meer belowend.
Trefwoorde: Afrikanergeskiedenis; ekonomiese ontwikkeling; genealogie; welvaartskepping
Abstract
South Africa’s long haul to economic freedom: A personal journey
Dawid Fourie arrived on 24 November 2021, a first-born son to Helanya and Johan Fourie. It was an inauspicious start. On that day, South African scientists reported a new variant of the Covid-19 virus, Omicron.2 The backlash was immediate. The world locked South Africa out, cancelling flights and bookings on the eve of what we had hoped would be a busy tourist summer. On top of this, the country was still reeling from the impact of violent protests in KwaZulu-Natal a few months earlier. Hope of a quick recovery had faded. The minus 7% growth in 2020 was South Africa’s worst in a century.3 There was much to be pessimistic about.
And yet Dawid was born at a time which is, despite all the bad news, the best in history. Let us take just one measure of a good life: life expectancy. The average South African boy born in 2019, the most recent period for which I could find data, could expect to live to 61,5 years, or 65,7 years if fortunate enough to be born in the Western Cape.4 A girl could expect to live about six years longer. This is much longer than our ancestors lived only a few generations ago. Averages, of course, mask large differences between South Africans. But the point remains for all subdivisions: across race, class, gender and geography, South Africans are living longer than at any time in the country’s history.
Economic history gives us the benefit of the long-run view. It helps us ask the right questions. Instead of ‘Why are we poor?’, we ask the more historically accurate question, ‘Why are we so remarkably rich?’ or ‘Why do we live so much longer than our ancestors?’
Asking these questions does not mean we have solved the dual economic problems of production and distribution and that we can now rest on our laurels. We have much still to do. Life expectancy in South Africa is at the low end of the global distribution. While women’s average life expectancy in South Africa is 68 years, according to the World Bank, it is 78 in Morocco and Mexico, 80 in Argentina and Ecuador, and 84 in Portugal and Slovenia.5 Clearly we can do better.
Aiming to do better does not mean that things will inevitably get better. South African men achieved a life expectancy of 60 years in 1990, but by 2005 the HIV/Aids epidemic had reduced it to 51. The recovery since then is due to the extraordinary success of antiretroviral drugs − advances in medicine being one of the reasons why our lives today are so much better than only one or two generations ago.
Despite many wrong turns in South Africa’s long walk to economic freedom, we have undeniably moved forward. This progress is the consequence of two beliefs: that we should use our knowledge of nature, or what we might call science and technology, to make us more productive and so raise our standard of living. The second belief is that the benefits of this rising productivity should not be limited to an elite but shared by ordinary people.
We can see the results of the first belief throughout South African history, from learning to work iron, to adopting maize as a crop, to introducing new forms of money – all of which happened before the arrival of Europeans. New technologies were also adopted in the eighteenth century when Europeans settled the southern tip of the continent, creating a level of prosperity that was among the highest in the world at the time. And innovation continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, accelerating South Africa’s walk towards economic freedom.
But our progress has been hampered by one major failing. The sad truth is that the second belief, that increasing productivity should benefit all, has only very recently been embraced. Put differently, until 1994 the majority of South Africans were, at best, observers of South Africa’s long walk. The good news is that many have now joined in. The bad news is that, for a variety of reasons, many are still only limping along.
To tell this story of South Africa’s long walk to economic freedom, I have chosen to use the family history of the Fouries, of whom Dawid represents the 11th generation. It will indeed be a personal journey. I will draw on chapters from my book, Our Long Walk to Economic Freedom, which spells out many of the lessons economic historians have learned in studying the progress of humankind over the millennia.6 And I will use the methods that my colleagues, my students and I use at the Laboratory for the Economics of Africa’s Past (LEAP), the research unit I coordinate in the Economics Department.
As I follow my family through South African history, I use a variety of quantitative sources: university records, death notices, voter records, limited liability company records, attestation records, tax records, probate inventories, to name just a few. Using such records, I argue that the economist and the quantitative social science historian have the means to open up ‘histories from below’. We want to answer the question: What gives ordinary people agency to build better lives, and what denies them the freedom to do so? But our ambition goes beyond simply answering the question: we want not only to describe the long walk to economic freedom but ultimately to advance it.
Keywords: Afrikaner history; economic development; genealogy; wealth creation
1. Inleiding
Dawid Fourie is op 24 November 2021 gebore, Helanya en Johan Fourie se eersteling. Dit was ’n onheilspellende begin. Op daardie dag het Suid-Afrikaanse wetenskaplikes ’n nuwe variant van die Covid-19-virus aangekondig, Omicron.7 Daar was onmiddellik ’n wêreldwye teenreaksie. Op die vooraand van wat ons gehoop het ’n besige toerismesomer sou wees, het die wêreld Suid-Afrika uitgesluit en vlugte en besprekings gekanselleer. Op die koop toe het die land nog geduisel onder die impak van gewelddadige betogings in KwaZulu-Natal ’n paar maande tevore. Die hoop op ’n spoedige herstel het vervaag. Die minus 7% groei was Suid-
Afrika se swakste in ’n eeu.8 Ons het goeie rede gehad om pessimisties te wees.
En tog is Dawid in ’n tyd gebore wat, ten spyte van al die slegte nuus, die beste in die geskiedenis is. Kom ons neem net een maatstaf vir ’n goeie lewe: lewensverwagting. Die gemiddelde Suid-Afrikaanse seuntjie wat in 2019 gebore is kan verwag om 61,5 jaar oud te word, of 65,7 as hy gelukkig genoeg is om in die Wes-Kaap gebore te word.9 ’n Meisietjie kan verwag om sowat ses jaar langer te leef. Soos ek hier onder sal wys, is dit baie langer as wat ons voorouers net ’n paar generasies tevore geleef het. Gemiddeldes versluier natuurlik groot verskille tussen Suid-Afrikaners, maar feit bly staan vir alle onderverdelings: oor ras, klas, gender en geografie leef Suid-Afrikaners langer as in enige ander tyd in die land se geskiedenis.
Ekonomiese geskiedenis gee ons die voordeel dat ons oor baie jare heen kan kyk. Dit help ons om die regte vrae te vra. Pleks van “Hoekom is ons arm?” vra ons die histories akkurater vraag: “Hoekom is ons so merkwaardig ryk?” of “Hoekom leef ons soveel langer as ons voorouers?”
Hierdie vrae beteken nie ons het die tweeledige ekonomiese probleme van produksie en verspreiding opgelos en ons kan nou op ons louere rus nie. Daar wag nog baie werk. Lewensverwagting in Suid-Afrika is op die lae punt van die globale verspreiding. Waar vroue se gemiddelde lewensverwagting in Suid-Afrika 68 jaar is, is dit volgens die Wêreldbank 78 jaar in Marokko en Mexiko, 80 in Argentinië en Ecuador en 84 in Portugal en Slowenië.10 Dis duidelik dat ons beter kan vaar.
Om te probeer beter vaar beteken nie dat dinge vanselfsprekend sal verbeter nie. In 1990 was Suid-Afrikaanse mans se lewensverwagting 60 jaar, maar teen 2005 het die MIV-vigs-epidemie dit na 51 verlaag. Die herstel sedertdien is te danke aan die buitengewone sukses van antiretrovirale middels − die vordering in die geneeskunde is een van die redes hoekom ons lewe vandag soveel beter is as net een of twee generasies gelede. Die bewyse oor lewensverwagting suggereer dat Suid-Afrika se lang tog na ekonomiese vryheid onbetwisbaar vorentoe beweeg het.
Hierdie vordering is die gevolg van twee oortuigings: eerstens, dat ons ons kennis van die natuur, of wat ons die wetenskap en tegnologie kan noem, moet gebruik om ons produktiewer te maak en ons lewenstandaard te verhoog. Die tweede oortuiging is dat die voordele van hierdie stygende produktiwiteit nie tot ’n elite beperk moet word nie, maar dat gewone mense daarin moet deel.11
Ons kan die resultate van die eerste oortuiging deur die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis sien, van waar geleer is om met yster te werk, tot die aanvaarding van mielies as ’n gesaaide tot die gebruik van nuwe vorms van geld − alles gebeure voor die aankoms van die Europeërs. Nuwe tegnologie het ook Europeërs gehelp om hulle op die suidpunt van die kontinent te vestig en ’n vlak van welvaart te skep wat destyds van die hoogste in die wêreld was. En innovasie het deur die negentiende en twintigste eeu voortgeduur en Suid-Afrika se beweging op die pad na ekonomiese vryheid versnel.
Maar ons vordering is deur een groot tekortkoming gestrem. Die hartseer waarheid is dat die tweede oortuiging, dat toenemende produktiwiteit tot almal se voordeel moet wees, eers baie onlangs aangegryp is. Anders gestel, tot 1994 was die meerderheid Suid-Afrikaners ten beste net waarnemers van Suid-Afrika se lang tog. Die goeie nuus is dat baie nou daarby aangesluit het. Die slegte nuus is dat baie om ’n verskeidenheid van redes nog maar net saam hinkepink.
Om hierdie ontwikkeling oor tyd beter te verstaan, ondersoek ek die vraag: Wat gee gewone mense die mag om beter lewens te bou, en wat weerhou die vryheid om dit te doen van hulle? Ek gebruik die familiegeskiedenis van die Fouries om dit te doen, waarvan Dawid die 11de generasie verteenwoordig. Ek verwys ook na hoofstukke uit my boek Our Long Walk to Economic Freedom, wat baie van die lesse uitspel wat ekonomiese historici in hul studie van die mensdom se vordering deur millennia geleer het.12 En ek maak staat op kwantitatiewe metodes wat tans gewild is onder sosialewetenskapshistorici.13
Ons ambisie gaan verder as om net die eenvoudige vraag te beantwoord: ons wil nie net die lang tog na vryheid beskryf nie, maar dit uiteindelik ook bevorder. Die lesse uit die geskiedenis help ons om dit te doen.
2. Drie generasies
Ek is in November 1982 gebore, nóg ’n onheilspellende jaar in hierdie land se geskiedenis. Suid-Afrika het in sowel 1982 as 1983 ’n negatiewe groeikoers gehad. Die inflasiekoers was 14,6%. Politieke spanning was aan die opbou. Besoek maar net die Wikipediablad “1982 in South Africa” en tel die verwysings na bomme. Ons het Paarl toe getrek toe ek ’n maand oud was en daar het ek die volgende 18 jaar deurgebring. My pa, Wynand, was eers ’n onderwyser en het toe as verkoopskonsultant vir Clift Granite gewerk; my ma, Anneen, was ’n bibliotekaris by die Hugenote Kollege in Wellington.
My ma en pa het mekaar ontmoet toe hulle aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch gestudeer het. Van die 125 000 studente wat hul voorgraadse grade daar voor 2010 voltooi het, was hulle onder die byna 1 000 Fouries, ongeveer 0,7% van die totaal. My ma het in 1975 ingeskryf en my pa in 1976, die eerste jaar wat daar meer as 2 000 eerstejaars by Stellenbosch was. Hulle het albei in 1978 graad gekry.
In die 1970’s het studentegetalle by Stellenbosch en ander universiteite vinnig gestyg. Die redes hiervoor was ekonomies, polities en maatskaplik. Eerstens was die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie besig om van landbou, mynwese en vervaardiging na dienste te skuif. Die BBP-grafiek wys die sektorale verskuiwing oor die vorige eeu, gebaseer op werk wat ek saam met Wimpie Boshoff gedoen het.14 Die afname in landbou, van meer as 20% aan die begin van die eeu tot minder as 5% aan die einde daarvan, is treffend.
Figuur 1. Ontleding van Bruto Binnelandse Produk, volgens sektor, 1910−2010. Bron: Boshoff en Fourie (2020)
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
Tweedens, om wit kiesers oor sy projek van rasseskeiding te paai, het die Nasionale Party universiteite relatief bekostigbaar gemaak. Ek en Estian Calitz wys in ’n 2016-referaat dat klasgeld aan die Universiteit Stellenbosch as ’n persentasie van die gemiddelde inkomste per persoon van 67% in 1911 gedaal het tot 26% in 1977, die jaar toe albei my ouers nog gestudeer het. Teen 2015 het dit na 44% toegeneem.15 Vandag is die koste van hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika en wêreldwyd besig om te styg. Een gevolg is dat minder van dié onderaan die inkomsteverspreiding my ouers se geleentheid vir opwaartse mobiliteit sal hê.
Derdens, teen die 1970’s was wit vroue besig om in groot getalle tot die arbeidsmark toe te tree. Dit was in pas met ’n globale verskuiwing in die Weste in die twintigste eeu.16 Amy Rommelspacher het die opkoms van vroue in klerikale werk in Kaapstad vanaf die 1930’s en opmerklik ná 1950 gedokumenteer.17 Veral omdat wit vroue in 1930 stemreg gekry het en aangehelp is deur geleenthede vir vroue tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, was die registrasie van voorgraadse vrouestudente redelik hoog, bo 40% vir die grootste gedeelte van die eeu.18 Vroue se aandeel het ná 1994 toegeneem, soos in die grafiek oor die gendersamestelling gesien kan word. Die toename is selfs groter vir bruin en swart vroue.
Figuur 2. Gendersamestelling van voorgraadse studente, Universiteit Stellenbosch, 1920−2013. Bron: Anke Joubert (2015)
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
3. Vier generasies
Albei my ouers het uit huishoudings gekom waar hul ma’s nie in die formele arbeidsmark gewerk het nie. My pa het op ’n volstruisplaas in Oudtshoorn grootgeword, Die Eiland. Sy pa, my oupa Johannes Jacobus Fourie, is in 1929 gebore en is in 2009 op 80-jarige ouderdom dood. Sy vrou, my ouma Catharina Fourie (née Claassen) of soos ek haar genoem het, Ouma Kate, het haar hoofsaaklik met die grootmaak van sewe kinders besiggehou. Ouma Kate is verlede jaar op 90 dood, vyf dae nadat haar agterkleinseun Dawid gebore is.
Oupa Johan en Ouma Kate was albei op die 1972-kieserslys, Oupa is aangeteken as Boer en Ouma as Huisvrou. Daar was omtrent 2,1 miljoen wit Suid-Afrikaners op die kieserslys. Ek tel 15 640 Fouries, wat hulle sowat 0,75% van die wit bevolking maak. Ek voorspel dat kieserslyste een van die belangrikste bronne vir toekomstige Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomiese en kwantitatiewe historici sal word. Ekonomiese historici wêreldwyd gebruik toenemend sensusrekords op individuvlak om veelgenerasie-lengtepanele saam te stel.19 Ongelukkig is die meeste van Suid-Afrika se sensusrekords verlore of vernietig. Ons kieserslyste bied darem ’n alternatief, met dié dat hulle die name, ouderdomme, adresse en beroepe van al die geregistreerde kiesers verskaf. Hulle het wel vir die grootste gedeelte van die 20ste eeu net die wit bevolking ingesluit, maar weens die nierassige stemreg van daardie tyd het die Kaapkolonie se kieserslyste ’n veel groter rassediversiteit weerspieël − ten minste wat mans betref, want vroue het toe nog nie stemreg gehad nie.
My navorsingseenheid ondersteun tans die transkripsie van die 1971-kieserslys.20 Die 1984-lys is reeds afgehandel en daar het ek 21 682 Fouries getel, ’n toename van 38% in net 12 jaar. My ma en pa was toe al stemgeregtig en hulle was ook op die lys, met hul beroepe as Onderwyser en Bibliotekaris aangedui. Hulle was seker baie besig, want hulle het nagelaat om hul adresse op te dateer. Dit word aangedui as Beaconbaai, Oos-Londen, waar ek twee jaar vroeër gebore is, al het ons toe in die Paarl gewoon. Sulke foute moet ons daarvan weerhou om die resultate met oormatige vertroue te vertolk: Groot Data in die geskiedenis kan met groot probleme gepaard gaan.
My ma het in die Paarl grootgeword, die dogter van Simon Poerstamper, ’n passer en draaier, en Elsa Carstens, ’n tuisteskepper. Ek het nooit my oupa aan moederskant ontmoet nie − hy is in 1981 dood, ’n jaar voor my geboorte. Hy was mank nadat hy as kind polio gehad het, ’n siekte wat danksy die uitvinding van die polio-entstof in die 1950’s feitlik heeltemal uitgeroei is, soos die syfers vir die VSA in Figuur 3 wys. Suid-Afrika se syfers is ongelukkig eers vanaf 1980 beskikbaar.
Figuur 3. Poliogevalle per 1 000 mense in die Verenigde State en (sedert 1980) in Suid-Afrika, 1910−2021; eie berekeninge. Bron: Our World in Data (2022)
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
Die Bergrivier verdeel die Paarl in twee. Aan die westekant is die hoofsaaklik wit deel van die dorp en die bruin en toenemend swart inwoners woon aan die oostekant. Dit was nie altyd so nie. In die 1950’s en 1960’s is duisende bruin inwoners gedwing om hul huise te verlaat en is hulle na ander woonbuurte verskuif, dikwels ver van hul werk. Die segregasie wat deur die Groepsgebiedewet aan die gang gesit is, het sonder twyfel hul ekonomiese vooruitsigte geknou. My ma se familie moes ook trek; hulle het ironies genoeg in ’n deel wat as “gekleurd” geklassifiseer is gewoon. Soos ek verstaan, het my oupa Pretoria toe gery om oor die regulasies te kla, helaas tevergeefs.
Dat bruin Paarlse inwoners aan die westekant van die rivier gewoon het, blyk duidelik uit die data wat ons transkribeer. Vir die afgelope vyf jaar het ’n span afgetrede bibliotekarisse en historici ywerig die Paarlse doodsberigte getranskribeer. Dit openbaar ’n dorp baie anders as die een waar ek in die 1980’s en 1990’s grootgeword het. In my kinderjare was daar geen bruin inwoners in Boschstraat in Noorder-Paarl waar ons gewoon het nie, maar toe ons die doodsberigte ontleed, het ons gevind dat van die 227 sterftes in Boschstraat tussen 1900 en 1930, 221 of 97% dié van bruin inwoners was.21 Wat in die Paarl gebeur het, was natuurlik nie uniek nie: Gedwonge segregasie was oor die hele Suid-Afrika aan die orde van die dag, van klein dorpies tot groot stede. Die gevolge van apartheid se ruimtelike beplanning is vandag nog duidelik.
Ons het die doodsberigte in 2018 begin transkribeer om die uitwerking van die Spaanse Griep honderd jaar vroeër te ondersoek. Ek kon nie gedroom het dat die wêreld net twee jaar later nog ’n pandemie sou beleef nie. Skielik was ons navorsing oor die 1918-griep in aanvraag. Teen April 2020 het ons ’n verslag by die presidensie ingedien en saam met Jonathan Jayes en ander het ek twee referate gepubliseer wat wys hoe die griep bestaande ongelykhede in die gesondheidsorgstelsel vererger het, ’n bevinding wat vandag relevant is.22 Figuur 4 wys duidelik dat bruin en swart inwoners se mortaliteitskoers buite verhouding hoog was weens die griep.
Figuur 4. Sterftekoers volgens ras, ouderdomsgroep, gender en pandemiese tydperk, Paarl 1915−1920
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
Dit wil nie sê dat die dood nie algemeen in alle groepe was nie. Soos Figuur 5 vir my oupa se tuisdorp, Oudtshoorn, wys, was daar ook baie Fouries onder die sterftes. Dawid Hermanus, veraf verwant, is op 93-jarige ouderdom ’n paar weke voor die aankoms van die Spaanse Griep dood. Andries Jonathan Fourie sou nie tot op daardie rype ouderdom leef nie. Hy is ’n maand later, op 15 Oktober, op 56-jarige ouderdom dood. Die oorsaak van sy dood is as longontsteking aangeteken, ’n teken dat die griep in Oudtshoorn aangekom het.
Figuur 5. Sterftes volgens ouderdom, gender en datum, Oudtshoorn, September 1918 tot Februarie 1919
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
4. Vyf generasies
My oupagrootjie Wynand Breytenbach Fourie, gebore in 1897, was gelukkig om die Spaanse Griep te oorleef toe hy 21 was, ’n ouderdom waarop baie ander omgekom het. Miskien het dit gehelp dat Oudtshoorn ten tyde van sy geboorte ’n heel welvarende plek was, weens die wêreldwye aanvraag na volstruisvere. Soos baie ander dinge het dit met die Franse Revolusie begin en met Marie Antoinette se toonaangewende volstruisveerhoede. ’n Eeu later, in die 1880’s, was hierdie hoede hoogmode. Teen die eeuwending het vroue van alle klasse hoede versier met die baie gewilde en nou bekostigbare volstruispluime gedra.23 Oudtshoorn het gebaat by die groeiende aanvraag: tussen 1870 en 1900 het die distrik se rykdom drie keer vinniger as die Kolonie sʼn toegeneem.
Maar die Kaapse welvaart het nie net weens volstruisvere toegeneem nie. Saam met Edward Kerby, Anton Ehlers en Lloyd Maphosa het ek die Kolonie se rekords van maatskappye met beperkte aanspreeklikheid by die eeuwending ontleed.24 Beperkte aanspreeklikheid is ingestel om dit makliker te maak om in private ondernemings te belê. Die gevolg was die vinnige groei van privaat kapitaal, en Oudtshoorn was geen uitsondering nie. Neem byvoorbeeld die Oudtshoorn Recreation Ground Company Limited, geregistreer in 1883. Alhoewel die meeste van die aandeelhouersvanne Engelse of Joodse beleggers suggereer, is daar een Fourie op die lys, Andries Jonathan. Hy het 10 aandele besit. Ek vermoed dit is dieselfde Andries Jonathan wat tydens die Spaanse Griep dood is.
Oudtshoorn se opbloei het skielik in 1914 tot ’n einde gekom. Die oorlog in Europa was nie die enigste bedreiging vir die volstruishandel nie; die Model T Ford se gewildheid het toegeneem en wie kan ’n groot hoed met vere in ’n oop motor op die kop hou? Die volstruisveerbedryf het ineengestort en daarmee saam Oudtshoorn se vooruitsigte. Die les: Tegnologie ontwrig − en feitlik altyd op onverwagse maniere.
Figuur 6. Dawid Fourie se genealogie oor vyf generasies
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
My oupagrootjie was 17 toe die Eerste Wêreldoorlog uitbreek. Sover ek weet, het hy nie aangesluit om te gaan veg nie, maar baie ander Suid-Afrikaners het wel. Wanneer soldate aangesluit het, het hulle ’n beëdigde verklaring ingedien wat allerhande soorte biografiese inligting verskaf het, insluitend die rekruut se lengte.
Ekonomiese historici het kreatiewe maniere gekry om die lewenstandaarde van vorige generasies te meet. Ons het nie altyd toegang tot inkomstes of welvaart nie, vandag se standaardmaatstawwe vir ’n gemeenskap se welsyn, dus moes ons alternatiewe kry. Daar is gevind dat lengte ’n betroubare plaasvervanger is. Iemand se lengte word 80% deur hul gene bepaal, maar 20% deur hul omgewing. Hoe beter hulle byvoorbeeld as babas gevoed is, hoe langer sal hulle waarskynlik word. As ons bevind dat die gemiddelde lengte van ’n gemeenskap met verloop van tyd toegeneem het, kan ons dit aan die beter voeding van die kinders toeskryf. Met ander woorde, die gemeenskap het welvarender geword.
Dit is presies wat ek en etlike medeskrywers die afgelope paar jaar gedoen het. In ’n projek saam met Bokang Mpeta en Kris Inwood het ons die lengtes van wit en swart rekrute in verklarings vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog en die Eerste en Tweede Wêreldoorlog ontleed, asook in etlike ander datastelle.25 Figuur 7 wys dat die gaping aan die begin van die 20ste eeu groot was en dat dit in die loop van die eeu groter geword het. Dit is veral die eerste drie dekades van die twintigste eeu − die tydperk van grondonteiening en ander diskriminerende beleide − wat hierdie verskil verduidelik. Ek, Martine Mariotti en Kris Inwood het onlangs die lengtes van wit Suid-Afrikaners van 1865 tot 1920 ondersoek.26 Ons het bevind dat wit Suid-Afrikaanse mans voor die algemene industrialisasie van die land van die langste in die wêreld was, ’n gevolg van die grootliks landelike bevolking se hoë proteïnedieet. My oupagrootjie was blykbaar een van hulle, met sy lengte van ses voet sewe, of 200 sentimeter. My pa onthou dat hy ’n nommer 15-skoen gedra het.
Figuur 7. Lengtes van swart en wit mans, 1870−1990
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
5. Ses generasies
My oupagrootjie se pa het nie in die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog van 1899 tot 1902 geveg nie – ’n oorlog tussen Brittanje aan die een kant en die Boererepublieke van Transvaal en die Oranje-Vrystaat aan die ander kant. Maar baie ander Fouries het wel geveg. Toe die Boere se strategie na guerrillaoorlogvoering oorskakel en veral toe Kitchener ’n verskroeideaarde-beleid van stapel stuur, het die Britte interneringskampe, ook konsentrasiekampe genoem, vir ontwortelde Boere opgerig. Die getalle in hierdie kampe het vinnig toegeneem en die toestande het versleg. Ons het verstommende gedetailleerde inligting oor die mense in hierdie kampe. ’n Datastel wat Elizabeth van Heyningen saamgestel het bevat besonderhede oor 140 000 individue.27 Vir omtrent 90 000 van hulle het ek inligting oor die duur van hul verblyf gevind. Die gemiddeld was 267 dae, en 270 vir die Fouries, wat 1,2% uitgemaak het. Een van dié wat die kampe oorleef het, was die ouma van my skoonpa, Jasper Vlok. Johanna Helena Botha is op 5 Maart 1901 geïnterneer en op 14 Augustus 1902 vrygelaat. Sy was 528 dae lank in die kamp, byna dubbeld die gemiddeld vir alle inwoners.
Figuur 8. Rifkartering van sterftes volgens ouderdom, gender en kamp, 1899−1902. Die grootte van die rifte stel die relatiewe sterftes per kamp eerder as die absolute getalle voor
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
Ons het ook akkurate inligting oor die sterftesyfers. Iewers tussen 26 000 en 28 000 Boere of hul simpatiseerders het in die kampe omgekom. Daar was ook kampe vir ontwortelde swart mense, van wie ’n geraamde 10 000 dood is.
Ek het inligting oor die ouderdomme van 11 595 van die meestal wit mense wat in die kampe dood is. Figuur 8 wys die ouderdomsverspreiding van die sterftes volgens kamp en gender. Dit is duidelik dat die meeste van die gestorwenes kinders was, ofskoon nie eksklusief nie; in werk wat ek saam met Sophia du Plessis gedoen het, het ons bevind dat ten minste 15% van sterftes dié van vroue ouer as 18 en 11% dié van mans ouer as 18 was.28 Ek bereken dat ongeveer 1,5% van die sterftes Fouries was.
Baie van die Kaapkolonie se boere het met die lot van die Boere gesimpatiseer en besluit om by hulle aan te sluit. Hulle staan bekend as die Kaapse rebelle. Lauren Coetzee werk nou aan die identifisering van faktore wat verduidelik wie sou aansluit en hoekom. Figuur 9 wys van waar die meeste rebelle van die Kaap en ander dele van Suid-Afrika gekom het. Die kolle wys al die Fouries wat aangesluit het. Nie een het van Oudtshoorn gekom nie.
Figuur 9. Hittekaart van alle rebelle. Die kolle is Fourie-rebelle
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
Die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog was instrumenteel in die totstandkoming van die verenigde Suid-Afrika in 1910. Al is die Boere verslaan, het die hoë koste van die oorlog, saam met die goudrykdom van Transvaal, beteken dat die noordelike wit mense in ’n sterk bedingingsposisie was en hulle kon enige poging om die Kaap se liberale stemreg na die pas verowerde gebiede uit te voer veto. Baie Kaapse politici, swart en wit, het gehoop dat oorwinning sou beteken dat die stemreg na die swart inwoners van die gewese Boererepublieke uitgebrei sou kon word. Die Kaap het ten minste sedert die instelling van verteenwoordigende regering in 1852 ’n gekwalifiseerde liberale stemreg gehad, wat beteken het dat alle mans ongeag ras en onderhewig aan sekere inkomstevereistes kon stem.
Teen die 1880’s egter, soos meer grensdistrikte met baie swart inwoners vir die Kolonie geannekseer is, het wit kiesers bekommerd geraak oor die verlies van politieke mag. Wetgewing, by name die Glen Grey Wet van 1894, het tot ontkiesering gelei, veral deur die inkomstevereiste vir stemreg te verhoog en nuwe kwalifikasies, soos geletterdheid, by te voeg. Ek en Farai Nyika het aangetoon dat die getal swart kiesers ten spyte van hierdie hoër vereistes weens die suksesvolle veldtogte van swart leiers aansienlik toegeneem het.29 Beleggings in onderwys het ook geletterdheid beduidend verhoog. Ten spyte van die weerstand van wit inwoners, is die vrugte van ’n industrialiserende ekonomie wyer versprei.
Maar die uitbreidende ekonomiese vryheid is ’n uitklophou toegedien toe die land die Unie van Suid-Afrika word. Soos Abel Gwaindepi aangetoon het, was daar ’n ander rede vir die liberaalgesinde Kaapse politici se swak bedingingsposisie ná die oorlog.30 Die Kolonie se skuldlas was uitermate hoog, ’n gevolg van die skuld waarmee die groot beleggings in die spoorweë gefinansier is. Die dryfkrag agter die spoorweë was Cecil John Rhodes. Sy maatskappy, De Beers, het daarby gebaat omdat dit vervoerkoste na Kimberley se myne verlaag het, wat dit vir die mynbase moontlik gemaak het om minder vir insette en lone te betaal. Maar hulle het ook min belasting betaal wat sou kon help met die finansiering van die spoorweë.
Die spoorweë het sonder enige twyfel soos elders in die wêreld die ekonomiese transformasie van die Suid-Afrikaanse binneland bevorder. Ek en Alfonso Herranz-Loncán het bereken dat ’n kwart van die BBP-groei tussen 1860 en 1909 aan die koms van die spoorweë toegeskryf kan word.31 Maar hierdie vinnige uitbreiding van infrastruktuur het geld gekos en dit was uiteindelik die Transvaalse goudmyne ná unifikasie wat dit vir die Kaap moontlik gemaak het om sy skuld te betaal − ten koste van die swart stemreg.
Die spoorweë is ’n voorbeeld van hoe nuwe tegnologie ekonomiese voorspoed kan skep. Maar dit is ook ’n voorbeeld van hoe ’n politieke stelsel wat net ’n klein deel van ’n bevolking dien kan toelaat dat ’n politieke elite die bates van die nuwe tegnologie tot nadeel van baie kaap en ongelykheid vergroot. Dit is duidelik dat politieke en ekonomiese vryheid hand aan hand gaan.
Figuur 10. Dawid Fourie se paternale genealogie oor 11 generasies
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
My oer-oupagrootjie, David Hermanus Petrus Fourie, is in 1870 gebore, aan die begin van Suid-Afrika se minerale revolusie. Diamante is toe pas ontdek en allerhande soorte mense het op soek na rykdom na Kimberley gestroom. Kara Dimitruk het getoon dat hierdie skielike vraag na arbeid op die myne ’n onvoorsiene gevolg in die Kaapkolonie gehad het: boere moes skielik ’n manier kry om hul werkers op die plaas te hou. Plaaseienaars het twee keuses gehad: die wortel en die stok. Hulle kon hoër lone betaal, soos wat ’n mens in ’n mededingende ekonomie in ’n demokratiese gemeenskap sou verwag. Maar die Kaapse boere het politieke mag gehad en hulle het dit gebruik om op strenger dwangmaatreëls aan te dring − met swaarder strawwe vir arbeiders wat wegloop.
6. Sewe, agt en nege generasies
David Hermanus Petrus se pa, David Hermanus Fourie, is in 1822 gebore, toe die Kaap nog ’n slawe-ekonomie was. Slawerny is afgeskaf toe hy 12 jaar oud was, al moes die eertydse slawe nog vir vier jaar as “vakleerlinge” werk. Op 1 Desember 1838 kon die bykans 40 000 mense wat slawe aan die Kaap was uiteindelik hul eerste tree na ekonomiese vryheid gee.
David Hermanus was ten tyde van die vrystelling te jonk om ’n onafhanklike boer te wees, maar sy pa, Stephanus Johannes Fourie, gebore in 1798, was 40 toe slawerny afgeskaf is. Dit lyk baie waarskynlik dat hy slawe gehad het wat op sy plaas gewerk het. Hoe kon ek uitvind?
In 2010 het die historikus Hans Heese ’n databasis begin bou van al die slawe wat op die Kaapkolonie se slawe-evaluasielyste was. Hierdie lyste is saamgestel nadat die Wet op die Afskaffing van Slawerny in 1833 deur die Britse parlement gevoer is. Dit het bepaal dat slawe in die meeste dele van die Britse Ryk vrygelaat moes word. Daar was wel ’n belangrike voorwaarde. Alle slawe-eienaars moes vergoed word vir die verlies van wat toe as hul eiendom beskou is.
Lyste van al die eertydse slawe is opgestel, saam met hul ambag, oorsprong, ouderdom, gender en waarde, asook besonderhede van hul eienaars. Die totale waarde van al die slawe in die Kolonie was meer as 3 miljoen pond, maar nadat vergoeding toegeken is, het die Kaap net 1 247 pond gekry. Baie slawe-eienaars het dus baie minder gekry as wat hulle verwag het.
Deur die slawe-evaluasielyste met die betalings van vergoeding te kombineer, kon ek, Kate Ekama, Lisa Martin en Hans Heese die datastel van die slawevrystellings bou.32 Hierdie datastel sal dit vir ons moontlik maak om die finansiële onderstutting van slawerny in die Kolonie te bestudeer. Ons het byvoorbeeld reeds vasgestel dat die vrystelling ekonomiese mag van die platteland na die stad verskuif het. In Kaapstad het baie van die handelaars wat as tussengangers tussen Londen en die Kaap opgetree het sodat die eertydse eienaars hul vergoeding kon kry, florerende banke en verskeringsmaatskappye begin. Ander het in behuising belê, soos Kate Ekama en Robert Ross in nuwe werk aantoon, en eiendom verhuur aan dié wat eens slawe was.33
Verbasend genoeg kon ek nie Stephanus Johannes Fourie in ons datastel van slawevrystellings kry nie, maar ek vermoed dit is omdat hy nie ’n baie suksesvolle boer was nie. Hy het net buite Oudtshoorn geboer, in die distrik wat Volmoed genoem word. Van die 5 503 plase in die Kaapkolonie in 1850 het 37 van hulle, of sowat 0,7% van die totaal, aan Fouries behoort.
Ek het wel Stephanus Johannes se pa gekry, nog ’n David Hermanus Fourie. Hy het sewe slawe besit, ses mans en een vrou: Mey, Frans, Albertus, Mawira, Adam, Damon en Regina. Die oudste was 33, die jongste 13. Figuur 11 wys hoe al die slawe in die George-distrik se ouderdomme versprei is. Die hoër getal mans bo 30 weerspieël die hoër aanvraag na mans in die slawehandel, ’n handel wat reeds byna 30 jaar tevore deur die Wet op Slawehandel van 1807 onwettig verklaar is.
Dit is onduidelik wat ná vrylating met David Hermanus se sewe slawe gebeur het. PhD-student Lisa Martin ondersoek tans die faktore wat ’n eertydse slaaf kon motiveer om na Kaapstad of een van die baie sendingstasies wat oral hul verskyning begin maak het te trek. Dit is wel baie moontlik dat hulle nadat hulle vrygelaat is eenvoudig as arbeiders op die plase gebly het.
Al was sy slawe vir 907 pond gewaardeer, het David Hermanus net 260 pond, of 43% van hul totale waarde gekry. Dit is dalk nie verbasend nie dat sy seun, al het hy in die “hoopvolle” distrik Volmoed gewoon, sy plaas Armoed genoem het.
Figuur 11. Vioolskets van alle slawe volgens ouderdom en gender wat in die slawevrystellingsdatastel vir die George-distrik opgeteken is
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
David Hermanus Fourie, my oer-oer-oer-oer-oupagrootjie, was die vyfde seun van Stephanus Fourie. Stephanus is in 1734 gebore, het op 21 met Helena Geertruy Lategan getrou en is in 1825 op 90 dood nadat hy lank genoeg geleef het om die geboorte van sy agterkleinkind te beleef. In sy leeftyd het hy groot veranderinge gesien. Die Kaapkolonie het van ’n nuwe nedersetting om Kaapstad gegroei tot ’n uitgebreide gebied wat tot aan die Garieprivier in die noorde en die Visrivier in die ooste gestrek het.
7. Tien generasies
Stephanus was die 20ste kind van Louis Fourie, die eerste Fourie wat in Suid-Afrika aangekom het. Louis het hom in 1699 op die plaas De Slangerivier gevestig, naby vandag se Wellington. Verbasend genoeg wou nie een van Louis Fourie se nege seuns die plaas ná sy dood in 1750 erf nie. Almal het die binneland in beweeg, oor die eerste bergreekse wat die Kaapse Skiereiland van die droër binneland geskei het. Stephanus het waarskynlik as 16-jarige kort ná sy pa se dood na die Klein Karoo getrek. Hy het hom in die Gamka-distrik gevestig, waar sy nakomelinge steeds ná meer as tien generasies boer.
Louis Fourie en die ander Europeërs wat in Tafelbaai geland het, het nie ’n leë land in die Kaap aangetref nie. Die inheemse Khoesan het in die winterreënvalstreek van die Wes- en Suid-Kaap gewoon. Een van hul clans, die Gorinhaikona, het in die skadu van Tafelberg gewoon. Die Nederlandse Verenigde Oos-Indiese Kompanjie (VOC) het gou hul leier, Autshumao, as tolk aangestel. Hy het sy twaalfjarige niggie Krotoa gestuur om in Jan van Riebeeck se huishouding te werk. Van Riebeeck was die eerste kommandeur van die VOC se verversingspos.
In 1664 is Krotoa met Pieter van Meerhof getroud, ’n Nederlandse sjirurgyn, en so het sy die eerste Khoesan geword wat volgens Christelike gebruik getrou het. Hulle het drie kinders gehad. Ná haar man se dood het Krotoa agteruitgegaan en is uiteindelik na Robbeneiland verban, waar sy in 1673 dood is. Dit was nie die einde van haar nalatenskap nie. Haar dogter, Pieternella, is met Daniel Zaaijman, die Kompanjie se tuinier, getroud. Vandag kan alle Suid-Afrikaners met die van Saayman hul voorgeslagte na Krotoa terugvoer. En omdat my oupagrootjie met ’n Zaaiman getroud was, is ek ook veraf verwant.
Die verhaal hoekom die Europeërs besluit het om hulle in die Kaap te vestig is welbekend. Die VOC is in 1602 gestig om die winsgewende speseryehandel tussen die Oos-Indiese Eilande en Europa te benut en het ’n verversingpos aan die Kaap van Goeie Hoop nodig gehad om skepe van vars water, hout en vleis te voorsien, en veral van groente, wat noodsaaklik was om skeurbuik te voorkom. Die eerste Kompanjie-amptenare het in 1652 aangekom om ’n fort te vestig. Gou was daar nie genoeg voorrade nie en binne vyf jaar is nege Kompanjie-amptenare toegelaat om vryburgers te word. Ten spyte van die woord “vry” het hulle min ekonomiese vryheid gehad: hulle was verplig om al hul produkte aan die Kompanjie se bergplekke in Kaapstad te verkoop en hulle was verbied om goedere te vervaardig of handel met verbygaande skepe te dryf. Eweneens mag hulle nie met die Khoesan handel gedryf het nie, al was albei kante gretig om dit te doen.
Weens hierdie beperkings is die Kaap oor die algemeen as ’n ekonomies agterlike plek beskou, met stadige groei en ’n bestaansekonomie.34 En inderdaad, die nuutste uitgawe van die Oxford Handbook of the South African Economy, uitgegee in 2021, onderskryf ook die mening dat boere en handelaars eers ná die einde van Nederlandse beheer in 1795 ryk geword het.35 Historici, sowel Afrikanernasionaliste as Engelse liberale, het hul eie redes gehad waarom hulle ’n ontstaanstorie van Afrikanerarmoede wou glo.36 Maar was daardie setlaarboere, insluitend Stephanus en sy agt broers, regtig so arm?
Dit is die vraag wat my na die ekonomiese geskiedenis gelok het. Dit was my geluk dat die inventarisse van Kaapse setlaars ’n paar jaar vroeër volledig getranskribeer is en ek het hierdie inventarisse begin ontleed. Tot my verbasing was die Kaapse boere in vergelyking met ander setlaarsgemeenskappe en selfs in vergelyking met van die rykste lande in die agtiende eeu, soos Engeland en Nederland, merkwaardig ryk.37 Ek het dit bevestig toe ek my bevindings met die Nederlands Oos-Indiese Kompanjie se belastingsensusse vergelyk het. Kaapse setlaarboere het gemiddeld 55 beeste en 350 skape besit. Hulle het ook 10 stoele, 4 boeke en 5 skilderye besit. Hierdie mense was duidelik nie net bestaansboere nie.
Die inventarisse het ook krediete en debiete aangeteken. Christie Swanepoel het die omvang en doel van die uitgebreide informele kredietnetwerk ondersoek. Sy het gevind dat die meeste van die lenings nie vir verbruiksgoedere gebruik is nie, maar om te belê, dikwels om slawe te bekom.38 Calumet Links het bereken dat slawe en Khoesan nie plaasvervangers vir plaasarbeiders was nie.39 Hulle het die inset in die produksieproses gekomplementeer en dit suggereer weer dat die aankoop van slawe ’n ander doel gedien het: as kollateraal vir lenings. Die punt wat al hierdie bevindings maak is dat die Kaapse setlaarboere nie van die hand na die mond geleef het nie.
Terselfdertyd moet ons nie lewenstandaarde wat beter was as wat verwag is gelykstel aan ons goeie hedendaagse lewe nie. Daar is baie redes hoekom ons lewe baie geriefliker is as dié van ons voorouers. Ek het aan die begin genoem vandag se lewensverwagting vir mans wat in die Wes-Kaap gebore is, is bo 65 jaar. Ek en Jeanne Cilliers het bereken dat die mediaanlewensduur van setlaarmans in die agtiende-eeuse Kaap 40 jaar was.40 Dit was gelykstaande aan die lewensduur van mans in ander gemeenskappe voor die negentiende-eeuse vordering in die mediese wetenskap, voeding en sanitasie.
Ek wou nie net weet hoe welvarend hierdie setlaars was nie, maar ook hoekom. Waarom het sommige uitgestyg en ander agtergeraak? Dit is die fundamentele vraag van ekonomiese geskiedenis: Hoekom is sommige ryk en ander nie − of nog nie?
Dit het vir my gelyk of die belastingsensusse die meeste potensiaal gehad het om dié vraag te beantwoord. Hulle was groot en daar was honderde van hulle. Hierdie data kon tog sekerlik benut word, as ek net ’n vennoot met ’n dik beursie kon kry. Gelukkig kry ek toe in die vroeë 2010’s ’n e-pos van die Sweedse ekonomiese historikus Erik Green. Hy het gesê hy wil op die argiefrekords van Transvaalse plase werk, maar ek het hom gou oortuig hy sal beter met die Kaapse plase vaar. Die Transvaalse rekords is maar effentjies, soos Kara Dimitruk, Sophia du Plessis en Stan du Plessis aangetoon het.41 Daarteenoor bied die Kaapse belastingsensusse, of opgaafrolle, groot moontlikhede. So het ’n florerende samewerking begin. In September 2020 kry ons toe die buitengewone nuus dat ons Kaap van Goeie Hoop Paneel-projek deur die Sweedse Riksbanken gefinansier sal word, en dit word die grootste geestes- en sosialewetenskapsprojek in die Sweedse geskiedenis.42 Ons het nou al goed gevorder met die transkribering van al die Kaapse belastingsensusse, wat ons hoop die wêreld se grootste datastel van ’n tussengenerasie- en multigenerasiepaneel sal wees.
Wat kan ons tot dusver leer? Ek en die Amerikaanse ekonomiese historikus Frank Garmon het Kaapse boere met hul Amerikaanse eweknieë vergelyk.43 Ons het bevind dat die Kaapse boere hoër inkomstes verdien en meer bates gehad het. Dit weerspreek die aansprake van vooraanstaande ekonomiese historici dat koloniale Amerika ’n wêreldleier in inkomste per capita was. In voortgesette werk saam met verskeie kollegas en studente ondersoek ek kwessies soos inkomstemobiliteit, ongelykheid, die skep van netwerke en die oordrag van welvaart tussen generasies.
In een van ons vroegste projekte het ek en kollega Dieter von Fintel gevind dat een subgroep Kaapse boere besonder produktief was: die Hugenote, wat ná die herroeping van die Edik van Nantes uit Frankryk gevlug het.44 Die meeste van hulle het die grens na Duitse gebiede oorgesteek, of na Nederland, Engeland of die Amerikas gegaan, maar sowat 150 het hul weg na die suidpunt van Afrika gevind. Ons het gevind dat hierdie vlugtelinge goeie produsente van een ding was wat steeds die hoeksteen van die Stellenbosse ekonomie is: wyn. In onlangse werk het meestersgraadstudent Tiaan de Swardt ons studie gerepliseer, nou gebaseer op die uitgebreide Kaap van Goeie Hoop Paneel. Hy het bevind dat die Hugenote se voorsprong twee tot drie generasies ná hul aankoms steeds voortgeduur het, wat beteken hulle het hul wynmakersvernuf veilig in die familie gehou. Te oordeel aan sy plaas se opbrengs, was Louis, die eerste Fourie in Suid-Afrika, oënskynlik nie so suksesvol in hierdie poging as sy Hugenote-landgenote nie.
In die toekoms sal die getranskribeerde belastingsensusse dit vir ons moontlik maak om die individuele lewenspad van elk van die duisende Kaapse setlaars uit te stippel, net soos ek gedoen het met die eerste 18 jaar wat Louis Fourie in die rekords verskyn. Die tegniese probleme om hierdie individue oor tyd heen te volg, sal groot wees. Figuur 12 wys dat Louis Fourie se naam op elk van die eerste 13 belastingsensusse waarin hy aangeteken is anders gespel is, van Louwis Floru, tot Louis Flory, tot Ludovicus Florius, tot Louis Fourie. Maar as ons die uitdaging die hoof kan bied, is die geleenthede legio.45 Hier sien ons hoe Louis mettertyd sy huishouding vergroot het, ten spyte van die dood van etlike van sy kinders, en van sy eerste vrou, Susanna Cordier, in 1713. Teen 1718 het hy weer getrou, hierdie keer met Anne Jourdan, by wie hy 12 kinders gehad het.
Ons het nog nie die belastingsensusse vir die 1720’s en die 1730’s getranskribeer nie, maar die transkripsies vanaf 1739 duur voort. Louis het nou meer kinders gehad – sy 20ste kind, my direkte voorouer Stephanus Fourie, is in 1734 gebore, maar hy was materieel gesproke nie veel beter daaraan toe nie. Hy het ’n paar wingerdstokke meer gehad, maar baie minder vee. Teen die einde van sy lewe, in 1750, het vier slawe op die plaas gewerk, min of meer die gemiddeld vir alle setlaars oor die 18de eeu.
Figuur 12. Louis Fourie se kinders, slawe en landboubates, volgens desiel, 1700−1718
Klik op die figuur vir ’n groter weergawe.
Al word Louis eers in 1700 vir die eerste keer in die sensus aangeteken, het hy reeds 12 jaar vroeër aangekom, op 12 Mei 1688, aan boord van Borsenburg.46 Saam met hom was sy vriend Pierre Lombard en Pierre se vrou Marie Couteau. Die drie van hulle was deel van ’n klein groep Hugenote-vlugtelinge wat uit Livron ontsnap het, ’n stad in die Suid-Franse provinsie Dauphiné. Hulle het meer as 1 400 kilometer gestap om skuiling in die Waalse Kerk in Amsterdam te kry. Louis was ongeveer 18 jaar oud, ’n ongeletterde plaasarbeider op vlug van die Katolieke dragonders wat die Protestantse Hugenote vervolg het. Louis het Pierre en Marie op pad na Amsterdam ontmoet. Dit weet ons uit die rekords van hulp wat onderweg aan hulle verleen is. Omdat Louis ongeletterd was, het ander sy naam op verskillende maniere aangeteken. Die inskrywing in die Waalse Kerk se rekords vir 21 Desember 1687 lees: Louis Faurite pour la Cap – “Louis Fourie onderweg na die Kaap”. Aan die Kaap het Faurite, ná verskillende spellings, eenvoudig Fourie geword.
Louis Fourie se lang tog na ekonomiese vryheid − van plaasarbeider wat weens sy godsdiens vervolg is tot Kaapse boer met 99 kleinkinders − getuig van sy vindingrykheid en geesteskrag. Maar dit getuig ook van die steun van die gemeenskap waar hy as immigrant ingekom het. Hy het waarskynlik eers as plaashulp gewerk. Teen 1699 het hy die kans gekry om ’n plaas met vaste eiendomsregte te bekom. Die Kompanjie het lenings aan nuwe setlaars gebied en ek vind in ’n nuwe projek waar ons die kontantboeke van die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk transkribeer dat die kerk beduidende lenings toegestaan het, ook aan etlike Hugenote en vrygestelde slawe. Al kon ek geen bewys daarvan vind nie, is dit waarskynlik dat Louis Fourie ook een gekry het.
8. Ter afsluiting
Dit wat mense produktiewer maak is wetenskaplike en tegnologiese innovasie, ’n ondernemende gees, en die kulturele norme, waardes en instellings wat hierdie gees van innovasie voed. Ons versprei die winste deur onderwys vir almal beskikbaar te maak, deur te verseker dat vroue op gelyke vlak deelneem, deur toegang tot krediet en finansiële markte te bied, deur die demokrasie en die regsorde te beskerm, wetgewing en regulasies wat vrye keuse inhibeer te keer, en ’n maatskaplike veiligheidsnet aan gewone mense te gee sodat hulle bemagtig sal word om te waag.
Maar die eerste stap in ons lang tog na ekonomiese vryheid is om te weet dat, ongeag ons daaglikse swaarkry en ons kommer oor die toekoms, ons lewe baie beter is as dié van ons voorouers. Ekonomiese historici help ons om uit die verlede te leer sodat ons ’n selfs nog voorspoediger toekoms kan bou – vir Dawid Fourie en die generasies ná hom.
Bibliografie
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Calitz, E. en J. Fourie. 2016. The historically high cost of tertiary education in South Africa. Politikon, 43(1):149−154.
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Eindnotas
1 Hierdie skrywe is gebaseer op my intreerede aan Stellenbosch Universiteit op 17 Mei 2022. Die teks is egter beduidend geredigeer. Die volgende persone het waardevolle navorsingsinsette gelewer: Kate Ekama, Edward Kerby, Jonathan Jayes, Lisa-Chereé Martin en Jan-Hendrik Pretorius. Dank ook aan Anne-Marie Mischke vir die vertaling.
2 World Health Organization. https://www.who.int/news/item/26-11-2021-classification-of-omicron-(b.1.1.529)-sars-cov-2-variant-of-concern. Toegang verkry: April 2022.
3 Boshoff, W.H. en J. Fourie. 2020. The South African economy in the twentieth century. In Business cycles and structural change in South Africa (pp. 49−70). Springer, Cham.
4 Bredenkamp, C., R. Burger, A. Jourdan en E. van Doorslaer. 2021. Changing Inequalities in Health-Adjusted Life Expectancy by Income and Race in South Africa. Health Systems & Reform, 7(2), e1909303.
5 World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/. Toegang verkry: April 2022.
6 Fourie, J. 2020. Our long walk to economic freedom: Lessons from 100 000 years of human history. Tafelberg, Cape Town.
7 World Health Organization. https://www.who.int/news/item/26-11-2021-classification-of-omicron-(b.1.1.529)-sars-cov-2-variant-of-concern. Toegang verkry April 2022.
8 Boshoff, W. H. en J. Fourie. 2020. The South African economy in the twentieth century. In Business cycles and structural change in South Africa (pp. 49–70). Springer, Cham.
9 Bredenkamp, C., R. Burger, A. Jourdan en E. van Doorslaer. 2021. Changing Inequalities in Health-Adjusted Life Expectancy by Income and Race in South Africa. Health Systems & Reform, 7(2), e1909303.
10 World Bank Open Data. https://data.worldbank.org/. Toegang verkry: April 2022.
11 Mokyr, J. 2017. A Culture of Growth. The Origins of the Modern Economy. Princeton en Oxford: Princeton University Press.
12 Fourie, J. 2020. Our long walk to economic freedom: Lessons from 100 000 years of human history. Tafelberg, Kaapstad.
13 Fourie, J. 2016. The data revolution in African economic history. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 47(2), 193−212.
14 Boshoff, W.H. en J. Fourie. 2020. The South African economy in the twentieth century. In Business cycles and structural change in South Africa (pp. 49−70). Springer, Cham. PhD-student Timothy Ngalande is nou besig om ons ontleding uit te brei.
15 Calitz, E. en J. Fourie. 2016. The historically high cost of tertiary education in South Africa. Politikon, 43(1), 149−154.
16 Goldin, C. 2021. Career and Family: Women’s Century-Long Journey toward Equity. Princeton University Press.
17 Fourie, J. en A. Rommelspacher. 2021. Marriage in the Mother City: The Anglican marriage records of Cape Town, 1865−1960. New Contree 87, 122−141.
18 Hierdie data is vir ʼn Meestersverhandeling deur Anke Joubert verkry: What separates the best from the rest, Universiteit Stellenbosch, 2015.
19 Helgertz, J., J. Price, J. Wellington, K.J. Thompson, S. Ruggles en C.A. Fitch. 2022. A new strategy for linking US historical censuses: A case study for the IPUMS multigenerational longitudinal panel. Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History, 55(1), 12−29.
20 Die navorsingseenheid waaraan ek gekoppel is is die Laboratory for the Economics of Africa’s Past (LEAP).
21 My dank aan honneurs-student Jan-Hendrik Pretorius vir die berekening van hierdie getalle.
22 Fourie, J. en J. Jayes. 2021. Health inequality and the 1918 influenza in South Africa. World Development, 141, 105407; de Kadt, D., J. Fourie, J. Greyling, E. Murard en J. Norling. 2021. Correlates and Consequences of the 1918 Influenza in South Africa. South African Journal of Economics, 89(2), 173−195.
23 Stein, S.A. 2007. “Falling into Feathers”: Jews and the Trans-Atlantic Ostrich Feather Trade. The Journal of Modern History, 79(4), 772−812, at 779.
24 Maphosa, L.M., A. Ehlers, J. Fourie en E.M. Kerby. 2021. The growth and diversity of the Cape private capital market, 1892−1902. Economic History of Developing Regions, 36(2), 149−174.
25 Mpeta, B., J. Fourie en K. Inwood. 2018. Black living standards in South Africa before democracy: New evidence from height. South African Journal of Science, 114(1−2), 1−8.
26 Fourie, K., K. Inwood en Martine Mariotti. 2022. Living standards in settler South Africa, 1865−1920. Mimeo.
27 Van Heyningen, E. 2010. A tool for modernisation? The Boer concentration camps of the South African War, 1900−1902. South African Journal of Science, 106(5), 1−10.
28 Du Plessis, S. en J. Fourie. 2016. “’n Droewige laslap op die voos kombers van onreg”: ’n Statistiese analise van konsentrasiekampbewoners. Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe, 56(4−2), 1178−1199.
29 Nyika, F. en J. Fourie. 2020. Black Disenfranchisement in the Cape Colony, c. 1887−1909: Challenging the Numbers. Journal of Southern African Studies, 46(3), 455−469.
30 Gwaindepi, A. en J. Fourie. 2020. Public Sector Growth in the British Cape Colony: Evidence From New Data on Expenditure and Foreign Debt, 1830−1910. South African Journal of Economics, 88(3), 341−367.
31 Herranz-Loncán, A. en J. Fourie. 2018. “For the public benefit”? Railways in the British Cape Colony. European Review of Economic History, 22(1), 73−100.
32 Ekama, K., J. Fourie, H. Heese en L.C. Martin. 2021. When Cape slavery ended: Introducing a new slave emancipation dataset. Explorations in Economic History, 81, 101390.
33 Ekama, K. en R. Ross. 2022. From mortgage holders to slum landlords: Compensated emancipation and the building of Cape Town in the 1830s−1840s. Mimeo.
34 Feinstein, C.H. 2005. An economic history of South Africa: Conquest, discrimination, and development. Cambridge University Press.
35 Schirmer, S. 2021. The Economic History of South Africa before 1948. The Oxford Handbook of the South African Economy, 1000, 26−46, op 31.
36 Fourie, J. 2014. Subverting the standard view of the Cape economy: Robert Ross’s cliometric contribution and the work it inspired. Magnifying Perspectives: Contributions to History, a Festschrift for Robert Ross, ASC Occasional Publication, 26, 261−273.
37 Fourie, J. 2013. The remarkable wealth of the Dutch Cape Colony: measurements from eighteenth‐century probate inventories. The Economic History Review, 66(2), 419−448.
38 Fourie, J. en C. Swanepoel. 2018. ‘Impending ruin’ or ‘remarkable wealth’? The role of private credit markets in the 18th-century Cape Colony. Journal of Southern African Studies, 44(1), 7−25.
39 Links, C., J. Fourie en E. Green. 2020. The substitutability of slaves: Evidence from the eastern frontier of the Cape Colony. Economic History of Developing Regions, 35(2), 98−122.
40 Cilliers, J. en J. Fourie. 2012. New estimates of settler life span and other demographic trends in South Africa, 1652−1948. Economic History of Developing Regions, 27(2), 61−86.
41 Dimitruk, K., S. du Plessis en S. du Plessis. 2021. De jure property rights and state capacity: evidence from land specification in the Boer Republics. Journal of Institutional Economics, 17(5), 764−780.
42 Fourie, J. en E. Green. 2018. Building the Cape of Good Hope Panel. The History of the Family, 23(3), 493−502.
43 Fourie, J. en F. Garmon. 2022. The settlers’ fortunes: Comparing tax censuses in the Cape Colony and early American Republic. Mimeo.
44 Fourie, J. en D. von Fintel. 2014. Settler skills and colonial development: the Huguenot wine‐makers in eighteenth‐century Dutch South Africa. The Economic History Review, 67(4), 932−963.
45 Ons het al gevorder. Sien Rijpma, A., J. Cilliers en J. Fourie. 2020. Record linkage in the Cape of Good Hope Panel. Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History, 53(2), 112−129.
46 Fourie, O. 2021. Faurite to Fourie: What’s in a name? Huguenot Bulletin, 58, 60−70.
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Abstract
Dawid Fourie arrived on 24 November 2021, a first-born son to Helanya and Johan Fourie. It was an inauspicious start. On that day, South African scientists reported a new variant of the Covid-19 virus, Omicron. The backlash was immediate. The world locked South Africa out, cancelling flights and bookings on the eve of what we had hoped would be a busy tourist summer. On top of this, the country was still reeling from the impact of violent protests in KwaZulu-Natal a few months earlier. Hope of a quick recovery had faded. The minus 7% growth in 2020 was South Africa’s worst in a century. There was much to be pessimistic about.
And yet Dawid was born at a time which is, despite all the bad news, the best in history. Let us take just one measure of a good life: life expectancy. The average South African boy born in 2019, the most recent period for which I could find data, could expect to live to 61,5 years, or 65,7 years if fortunate enough to be born in the Western Cape. A girl could expect to live about six years longer. This is much longer than our ancestors lived only a few generations ago. Averages, of course, mask large differences between South Africans. But the point remains for all subdivisions: across race, class, gender and geography, South Africans are living longer than at any time in the country’s history.
Economic history gives us the benefit of the long-run view. It helps us ask the right questions. Instead of ‘Why are we poor?’, we ask the more historically accurate question, ‘Why are we so remarkably rich?’ or ‘Why do we live so much longer than our ancestors?’
Asking these questions does not mean we have solved the dual economic problems of production and distribution and that we can now rest on our laurels. We have much still to do. Life expectancy in South Africa is at the low end of the global distribution. While women’s average life expectancy in South Africa is 68 years, according to the World Bank, it is 78 in Morocco and Mexico, 80 in Argentina and Ecuador, and 84 in Portugal and Slovenia. Clearly we can do better.
Aiming to do better does not mean that things will inevitably get better. South African men achieved a life expectancy of 60 years in 1990, but by 2005 the HIV/Aids epidemic had reduced it to 51. The recovery since then is due to the extraordinary success of antiretroviral drugs − advances in medicine being one of the reasons why our lives today are so much better than only one or two generations ago.
Despite many wrong turns in South Africa’s long walk to economic freedom, we have undeniably moved forward. This progress is the consequence of two beliefs: that we should use our knowledge of nature, or what we might call science and technology, to make us more productive and so raise our standard of living. The second belief is that the benefits of this rising productivity should not be limited to an elite but shared by ordinary people.
We can see the results of the first belief throughout South African history, from learning to work iron, to adopting maize as a crop, to introducing new forms of money – all of which happened before the arrival of Europeans. New technologies were also adopted in the eighteenth century when Europeans settled the southern tip of the continent, creating a level of prosperity that was among the highest in the world at the time. And innovation continued during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, accelerating South Africa’s walk towards economic freedom.
But our progress has been hampered by one major failing. The sad truth is that the second belief, that increasing productivity should benefit all, has only very recently been embraced. Put differently, until 1994 the majority of South Africans were, at best, observers of South Africa’s long walk. The good news is that many have now joined in. The bad news is that, for a variety of reasons, many are still only limping along.
To tell this story of South Africa’s long walk to economic freedom, I have chosen to use the family history of the Fouries, of whom Dawid represents the 11th generation. It will indeed be a personal journey. I will draw on chapters from my book, Our Long Walk to Economic Freedom, which spells out many of the lessons economic historians have learned in studying the progress of humankind over the millennia. And I will use the methods that my colleagues, my students and I use at the Laboratory for the Economics of Africa’s Past (LEAP), the research unit I coordinate in the Economics Department.
As I follow my family through South African history, I use a variety of quantitative sources: university records, death notices, voter records, limited liability company records, attestation records, tax records, probate inventories, to name just a few. Using such records, I argue that the economist and the quantitative social science historian have the means to open up ‘histories from below’. We want to answer the question: What gives ordinary people agency to build better lives, and what denies them the freedom to do so? But our ambition goes beyond simply answering the question: we want not only to describe the long walk to economic freedom but ultimately to advance it.
Keywords: Afrikaner history; economic development; genealogy; wealth creation
Suid-Afrika se lang tog na ekonomiese vryheid: ’n Persoonlike reis
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Azille Coetzee en Antjie Krog (foto: Nadine Petrick)
Agt jaar na Mede-wete verskyn Antjie Krog se nuutste bundel, Plunder. Sy word oor bietjie minder as twee weke 70. Die afgelope naweek huldig die Tuin van Digters haar roemryke loopbaan en vandag lees sy gedigte voor (soos net sy kan) en tree sy in gesprek met Azille Coetzee. All in a day’s work.
Die Woordfees is terug, almal hier in lewende lywe, en ’n propvol Boektent is ’n klinkklare bewys dat mense, feesgangers, dié interaksies gemis het. Hulle is vanoggend hier vir Antjie en Azille, om uit die digter se eie mond te hoor waaroor dit nou eintlik alles gaan. Maar ook vir mekaar.
Antjie val weg met ’n lang, láng gedig oor Fees must Fall. Is witheid ’n slagyster? ’n Hinderlaag is ’n kans tot verandering. Nie eers gedigte kry meer iets saamgeweef... Grepies uit ’n immer teenwoordige politieke bewussyn.
Maar ook, sy draai haar terug na die natuur. Daar is egter niks wat haar meer irriteer as mense wat méér omgee vir die natuur as vir mense nie. Die twee voed mekaar en kan nie sónder mekaar nie.
En plunder? "Plunder is obvious. Ons almal plunder. Jy plunder jou familie en jou taal. Jy gee maar uiteindelik net op. En dan géé die aarde. Dit bring genade oor jou."
Sy plunder haar eie en ook ander se gedigte. Soos Boerneef. "Ek het hom vrot gesteel hier."
Krog lees weer iets voor. Ook uit Vetplantfeetjies. Coetzee se vrae antwoord amper hulself deur die voorlesings.
Maar oor die ding van ouer word: "Ja, mens word tot ’n groot mate irrelevant, maar jy word ook bevry. Van ambisie en van kritiek. En dan sien mens dalk al die dinge raak wat vergete bly."
*Dis lekker om terug te wees by die Woordfees.
** Plunder en Vetplantfeetjies is by die Boektent beskikbaar!
ToyotaUSWoordfees2022 #WildvirWoordfees #LitNetInstaIndrukke #nadinedoenwoordfees @nakadien #woordfees @woordfees #plunder #vetplantfeetjies @azille_coetzee #antjiekrog
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Mara
Marida Fitzpatrick
Tafelberg
ISBN: 9780624093404
“Hoe het sy haar ma oorleef? Hoe het sy 38 jaar as hierdie vrou se dogter oorleef?”
Sommer met die intrapslag word die leser binnegelaat in die stand van die ma-dogter-verhouding, daar waar Rakie oorkant haar ma, Salomé Bruwer, op die sorgsentrum se stoep sit. Haar ma, die trotse vrou, wie se brein en persoonlikheid besig is om te disintegreer vanweë demensie. In ’n wasige oomblik beskuldig sy haar dogter daarvan dat sy verantwoordelik was vir die dood van Viljoen, Rakie se jonger broer.
Hierdie konfrontasie skop ’n hele netwerk van gebeure af. Want wat hét Viljoen se dood veroorsaak? “Hoe is Viljoen dood? Die vraag voel oeroud, onder lae saamgeperste grond en klip versteen. ’n Klein fossiel, volmaak met al sy beentjies en werwels en oopgesperde bekkie. Sy’s te bang om daaraan te raak, te bang dit val uitmekaar, en dan sal sy nooit weet wat die oorspronklike was nie” (23).
Die verhaal beweeg heen en weer tussen die paradoksale uiterstes van menswees. Rakie, die sensitiewe, bang kind is die tweelingsuster van die uitgesproke, sarkastiese en aanhitsende Mara. Pa Bruwer, is die hardwerkende ouer wat die veilige hawe vir sy kinders is, maar wanneer Viljoen sterf, raak hy afwesig en onbeholpe. Salomé, die komplekse, bedorwe vrou wat nooit met die middelklas bestaan wat haar man vir haar wou skep, kon vrede maak nie. Die ma wat “duiwelsbesete” raak, maar ook oomblikke van uitbundige genot vir die kinders skep. Viljoen, die gehoorsame seuntjie wat uiteindelik die ouerlike gesag teëgaan.
En deur alles heen is daar een konstante persoon: Rebecca, die immerteenwoordige huishulp en redder. Die tyd waarin die verhaal afspeel, is midde in die apartheidsjare toe huishulpe kinders grootgemaak het, maar op die vloer moes sit in die huis en uit ’n blikbord geëet het. Toe dit gevaarlik was om ’n opinie te hê en werknemers stilgebly het oor enige onreg om hulle skamele inkomste te verseker. Ek wonder hoeveel kinders het uit huise wat deur woedende ouers in oorlogsones omskep is, na die veiligheid van die “bediendekamer” gevlug? En koestering gekry by ’n vrou wat haar skoot en pap met die bang kind deel. Asook haar werkgewer se kind oor menstruasie inlig wanneer sy te bang is om haar ma daaroor te vra, soos in Rakie se geval.
En dan die ander konstante: ’n emosie. Kwaad. Die hele tyd wissel dit in verskillende grade van kwaad, woede, aggressie en uitbarstings. En die vrees wat dit veroorsaak by ’n hele gesin. ’n Gesin wat hieraan onderwerp word, kan nie ongeskonde gelaat word nie. Hulle stemme word gestil en die pyn in die onderbewussyn gebêre. Tot op ’n dag wanneer die sweer oopbars.
Rakie gaan op ’n soektog, terug in haar verlede, om by die waarheid uit te kom: Hoe is Viljoen dood? Sal Rebecca die antwoord hê en hoe gaan sy haar opspoor? Om haar te help, stel ’n speurder, De Wet, sy dienste beskikbaar. Maar ongelukkig op meer as een manier. Die onbetaamlike verhouding met De Wet is nie ’n uitsondering nie. Geleidelik besef die leser dat alles nie heeltemal wel is met Rakie nie. Maar hoe dan anders – die primêre verhouding tussen ma en kind is uit die staanspoor onder verdenking. Geen kind sal veilig voel by Salomé Bruwer, ’n duidelik geestesongestelde mens nie. Daar is vrouens wat nie kinders moes gehad het nie – Salomé Bruwer is een van hulle.
En tog is ook sý die produk van haar verlede. Maar desnieteenstaande was ek nie in staat om vir haar simpatie te ontwikkel nie. Daar voel ek soos Fiela Komoetie: “God sal ons baie vergewe, maar nie die onreg wat aan ’n kind gedoen word nie.” In teenstelling met Rakie, vir wie dit maklik is om alle misstappe te vergewe. En Mara, vir wie mens bewonder dat sy so sterk kan staan ten spyte van die omstandighede.
Geestesongesteldheid is ’n belangrike tema in Mara. Alhoewel die lig hieroor sterk op die ma, Salomé Bruwer, val, word die leser geleidelik by ’n kat-en-muis-speletjie wat in die kantlyn gebeur, ingetrek. Die tekens waarvan die skrywer net so hier en daar ’n leidraad los en die leser mee aan die raai hou.
Mara is ’n donker, ontstellende verhaal. En tog ook met ligter, humoristiese oomblikke. Dit het menseverhoudings as tema, en veral waar dit in sy primêre fase verkeerd loop – die ouerhuis. Die verhaal wissel die hele tyd tussen hede en verlede, en omdat laasgenoemde in die eerste persoon vertel word, word die leser direk by die kinders asook Rebecca se realiteit ingetrek. Die verhaal is fiktief, maar die trauma op die psige van ’n kind is lewensgetrou beskryf. Dit het met my kop gesmokkel en my lank daarna nog bygebly.
Die verloop van die verhaal word met ’n ferm hand van ’n begaafde skrywer beheer. En tog is weinig soos wat dit op die oog af lyk – soos wat dit ook nêrens in die werklike lewe is nie. Die aanhaling voor in die boek onderstreep die stelling: “We are so accustomed to disguise ourselves to others, that, in the end, we become disguised to ourselves.”
Lees ook:
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Opsomming
Daaglikse gebedsrituele was ’n integrale deel van die godsdiensbeoefening van die eerste Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika. Die getuienis van die eerste kerkvaders op hierdie kontinent, Tertullianus en Cyprianus, dui daarop dat hierdie gebedsrituele in die konteks van die voor-Niceense kerk in Noord-Afrika ’n wesenlike rol gespeel het in die vorming en afgrensing van die eerste Christelike gemeenskappe in hierdie wêrelddeel. Hierdie artikel fokus daarom op die sosiogodsdienstige funksie wat daaglikse gebedsrituele vir die vroeë Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika vervul het in terme van hierdie gemeenskappe se stryd vir die vestiging van ’n eie identiteit as afgegrensde godsdiensgemeenskappe – as onderskei van sowel die Judaïstiese as die Mistieke en Romeinse godsdiensgemeenskappe – binne hul historiese demografiese landskap. By wyse van ’n sosiohistoriese benadering word die klem geplaas op rituele deelname aan die daaglikse gebede op vasgestelde tye, wat deurslaggewend was vir die historiese opkoms en bevestiging van hierdie godsdiensgemeenskappe. Daardeur word die rituele funksie van daaglikse gebede op bepaalde tye, as beliggaming van die teologiese raamwerk van die Christelike gemeenskappe in terme van hul vorming en bevestiging gedurende die tweede en derde eeue in die konteks van Noord-Afrika, beklemtoon. Dit toon dat deelname aan hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele ’n wesenlike sosiogodsdienstige asook ’n kulturele funksie vervul het, deurdat hierdie gemeenskappe se unieke identiteit en bestaansreg, asook die lede van daardie gemeenskappe se toewyding tot die toenemende konkretisering van die Christelike kerk in Noord-Afrika, deurlopend daardeur bevestig is.
Trefwoorde: Cyprianus; gebedsrituele; narratief; Noord-Afrika; Patristiek; Tertullianus
Abstract
The socio-religious significance of daily prayer rituals for the pre-Nicene Church in North Africa
Conceptualising ritual is integral to the formation of the necessary framework for understanding religion as a phenomenon in antiquity, especially in terms of its role in publicly legitimising the foundational religious myths or narratives of a faith community in its particular historical context. In this way, participation in ritual historically served the distinct purpose of distinguishing a faith community and binding the members of that community together. In the context of late antiquity in particular, ritual played a vital role in terms of religious identity formation.
The historian of religion Jan Bremmer has pointed out how communal participation in ritual brings a community towards a strengthened association with the myths foundational to their very religious identity, thereby unifying that community around a distinctive theological narrative. In light thereof, this article amplifies the socio-religious significance of daily prayer rituals for the earliest Christian community in the Roman province of North Africa during the second and third centuries. The relevant patristic sources from this particular historical and geographical context highlight this Christian community’s unique emphasis on daily prayer rituals as a vital means of distinguishing their identity in the context of a religiously diverse North Africa in which the Christian church had to position itself in a society where not only Judaism and Roman polytheism, but also various indigenous mystic religions were practiced. In contradistinction, no surviving sources from the earliest Christian communities in Antioch or Palestine place any such importance on daily prayer rituals in particular, while Roman North Africa’s unique ritual-liturgical traditions also differed radically from the characteristically Platonic form of Christianity found in Alexandria in Egypt.
The writings of both Tertullian (155–220) and Cyprian (210–258) point to a fivefold daily prayer cursus established in North Africa, rooted in Biblical narratives. This included morning and evening prayers based on the Old Testament tradition of daily sacrifice rituals conducted at the temple, in combination with a threefold cursus rooted in various New Testament narratives. While these daily prayer rituals developed side by side with the existing Jewish prayer rituals in North Africa at the time, the narratives underlying the rituals of the Christian community were uniquely characterised by their Trinitarian character as well as their emphasis on the redemptive work of Christ. One of the distinguishing aspects of this redemptive emphasis in daily prayer rituals was a decisively eschatological focus. By means of participation in these rituals the believer became an active participant in these theological and eschatological narratives, thereby establishing not only a unique connection to all believers in the past, present and future, but also a unique bond with the God being worshipped in the ritual.
Regarding the morning prayers it was common for the earliest Christians in North Africa to interpret the redemptive work of Christ within a paradigm of darkness being transformed into light. The cycle of day and night came to be understood as symbolic of this cosmic redemption, with daybreak in particular pointing to the resurrection and new life. By means of daily participation in these prayer rituals the believer’s identity as integrally part of both a historically rooted and an eschatologically orientated faith community was ratified and strengthened. The gospel narratives underlying these rituals, such as the parable of the ten virgins (Matthew 25:13) and Jesus’ admonition of his disciples to stay awake and pray in Gethsemane (Matthew 26:40–41) were understood as lending a distinct eschatological dimension to the call to pray continually.
The Christocentric and Trinitarian narratives inherent to the daily prayer rituals of the pre-Nicene Christian community in North Africa – a community consisting of members from both Jewish and non-Jewish backgrounds – not only distinguished this community from Graeco-Roman and Jewish religions by virtue of the theological content and purpose of said rituals, but also emphasised the socio-religious uniqueness of this community in that particular historical context. These rituals therefore need to be understood as a very practical means by which Christians distinguished themselves as a unique faith community within the socio-religious landscape of the time. The community thereby positioned themselves as inheritors of the historical redemptive work of God in Christ as well as a community awaiting the full eschatological glory of Christ’s victory in future.
Amplifying their own uniqueness as a faith community was especially important to the early Christian community in North Africa in terms of establishing its own legitimacy in the eyes of the Graeco-Roman culture by claiming for itself the position and respectability of ancient Israel while denying this to the Jews. Both Tertullian and Cyprian emphasise Jesus’ status as Messiah in their writings on prayer, which formed the basis of their eschatological orientation towards an eternal, spiritual Jerusalem in contradistinction to the physical city in Palestine regarded by Judaism as a liturgical centre.
In sanctioning the rituals and by providing participation in them with meaning, Christocentric theological narratives served as confirmation of religious devotion and orthodoxy in contradistinction to other faith communities with practices which were to be rejected as idolatry. As such these rituals served as socio-religious markers distinguishing the Christian community. Daily prayer rituals therefore not only strengthened the bonds within the community itself, but also served to exclude outsiders. In other words, by means of participation in these rituals, members of the ancient Christian community in North Africa were to be constantly reminded of their unique position and status in order to engage in society in a manner that showcased their distinct devotion to true religion. At the same time, the eschatological expansion of this community remained a chief focus throughout, allowing these rituals to transcend the tragedy of religious conflict, as the eventual reconciliation with and inclusion of all outsiders remained an important aim throughout. Therefore, what made this particular form of religious identity formation associated with the daily prayer rituals of the pre-Nicene church in North Africa so exceptional was that this ritual process of identity formation was always accompanied by the universal invitation to all outsiders to become part of the community. It was not only the pre-Nicene Christian community as such, but also the devotion of the members of that community to its ever-increasing concretisation in North Africa which was sanctioned and ratified by its daily prayer rituals.
Keywords: Cyprian; narrative; North Africa; patrology; prayer rituals; Tertullian
1. Inleiding
Daar bestaan ’n sterk konsensus onder godsdienswetenskaplikes dat wanneer dit by die studie van antieke godsdiens kom, die konsep van die rituele ’n deurslaggewende rol behoort te speel. Konseptualisering van die rituele speel ’n belangrike rol in die verskaffing van die nodige raamwerk waarmee nie alleen die antieke godsdiensgemeenskap se manifestasie as historiese verskynsel begryp word nie, maar ook om die historiese rol van hierdie gemeenskappe in die daarstelling en ontwikkeling van beskawings te herwaardeer.
In navolging van die antropoloog Clifford Geertz en die filosoof George Santanyana redeneer die Amerikaanse godsdienssosioloog Robert Bellah (2011:xvi) dat dit juis die rituele element is wat godsdiens histories van alle ander sfere van die menslike bestaan onderskei. Inderdaad, Bellah beweer selfs dat dit histories via die deelname aan rituele was dat godsdienstige oortuigings na vore gekom het. In aansluiting hierby, en ter ondersteuning van Bellah se benadering, argumenteer die Deense godsdiensfilosoof Jeppe Sinding Jensen (2014:94–5) dat die Westerse godsdienswetenskap, onder die invloed van die Westerse Protestantisme, vir baie lank die voorrang van die rituele oor die dogmatiese misken het. Die raamwerk vir die bestudering van godsdiens is daardeur gekleur deur ’n harde verwerping van enige idees aangaande die verkryging van saligheid deur werke. Vandag is godsdienswetenskaplikes egter toenemend hiervan bevry en word die veld gekenmerk deur ’n wye erkenning van die rituele aspek as deurslaggewend vir die opkoms van godsdienste en godsdiensgemeenskappe (Jensen 2014:95).
So wys die Amerikaanse godsdienshistorikus Fritz Graf (2007:51) byvoorbeeld daarop dat dit via die rituele is dat godsdienstige verhale en mites gelegitimeer word, oftewel van ’n goddelike oorsprong en gesag voorsien word. Verder is dit via deelname aan die rituele dat ’n persoon deel word van die godsdienstige wêreld van die mite. Op hierdie wyse verskaf die rituele dus inhoud aan godsdienstige oortuigings. Terselfdertyd verskaf die rituele aan godsdienstige mites en narratiewe ʼn publieke en selfs politieke legitimering, in die sin dat dit via die godsdiensgemeenskap se deelname aan die rituele getransformeer word tot ’n kollektiewe of sosiale geheue (Graf 20078:53). In hierdie opsig het die rituele volgens die Skotse godsdienswetenskaplike Robert Segal (2009:73) prakties gesproke nie alleen ten doel om verhoudings in die godsdiensgemeenskap as sosiale entiteit op te bou nie, maar ook om hierdie gemeenskap se band met die goddelike te bevestig – rituele bemagtig die godsdienstige individu en gemeenskap om hierdie band as werklik te ervaar.
Die Amerikaanse antropoloog Roy Rappaport (1999:27) wys verder daarop dat dit die rituele is wat die godsdiensgemeenskap as sosiohistoriese verskynsel tot stand bring nie net deur daaraan ’n narratief van skepping en verlossing te verskaf nie, maar ook deur die idee van die heilige te konstrueer en te onderskei van die wêreldse of alledaagse. Met ander woorde, die rituele bekragtig ’n bepaalde godsdienstige ervaring en wêreldbeskouing wat aan die godsdiensgemeenskap die nodige raison d’être verskaf (Jensen 2014:76, 92).
In hierdie opsig word die rituele beskou as nou verbind aan die verskynsel wat die Franse antropologiese filosoof René Girard (1923–2015) beskryf het as mimetiese begeerte, dit is, wanneer ons as individue na ander kyk vir voldoening rakende ons behoeftes en begeertes; sodoende belyn ons uiteindelik hierdie behoeftes en begeertes met dié van die (godsdienstige) gemeenskap (Girard 1987:121–2). Nabootsing deur middel van rituele deelname het daarom, volgens die Universiteit van Toronto se godsdienswetenskaplike John Kloppenborg (2019:326), histories ’n belangrike funksie vervul in die beklemtoning van die godsdiensgemeenskap se identiteit, en om die interne eenheid binne daardie gemeenskap deur die gemeenskaplike erkenning van bepaalde norme en leerstellings te bekragtig.
Met hierdie teorieë oor die rol en aard van die rituele beklemtoon hierdie godsdienswetenskaplikes die integrale rol wat die rituele in veral antieke godsdiensgemeenskappe gespeel het om die gemeenskap na vore te bring en saam te bind. Die antieke Romeinse feeste met gepaardgaande rituele ter viering van die seisoensveranderinge, asook die vroegste Joodse en Christelike inlywingsrituele, soos die besnydenis en die doop, getuig hiervan (Tripolitis 2002:34, 55, 93). Maar die rituele vervul nie alleen ’n funksie by die inlywing van nuwe lede in die godsdiensgemeenskap nie. Dit dien ook om die godsdienstige identiteit van daardie gemeenskap deurlopend te herbevestig – dink byvoorbeeld aan die Joodse seremoniële wette of die nagmaal van die Christelike kerk. Dus wys Kloppenborg (2019:350–1) tereg op die rol van die rituele in die daarstelling van antieke godsdiensgemeenskappe met hul gepaardgaande kollektiewe identiteit en sosiale bande. Rituele rondom byvoorbeeld gemeenskaplike maaltye het ten doel gehad om die godsdiensgemeenskap te definieer en af te baken, en sodoende tot ’n nuwe familie te transformeer. In hierdie verband kan ’n mens veral dink aan die Pauliniese briewe se retoriese klem op die noodsaak van eenheid as deel van die rituele taalgebruik binne die konteks van die sakrament van die nagmaal (sien I Korintiërs 10:16–7). Godsdienstige identiteit word deur rituele bewerk.
2. Probleemstelling en doel
Die belangrikheid van godsdienstige mites onderliggend aan die rituele waardeur die godsdienstige groepsidentiteit bekragtig word, word ook deur die Nederlandse godsdienshistorikus Jan Bremmer beklemtoon. Hy wys naamlik daarop dat deelname aan die rituele godsdiensgemeenskappe daartoe bring om hulself ten sterkste te begin assosieer met die mites waarin hul godsdienstige identiteit gebaseer is (Bremmer 2007:42–3). Bremmer wys dus op die belangrikheid daarvan dat rituele deelname in die vorming van godsdienstige identiteit, en deelname in die samelewing vanuit daardie identiteit, beklemtoon behoort te word in terme van die saambindende rol wat dit gespeel het om ’n gemeenskap rondom ’n bepaalde teologiese mite of narratief te verenig.
In die lig hiervan beoog hierdie artikel om by wyse van ’n sosiokulturele blik op die patristieke bronne uit Noord-Afrika die sosiogodsdienstige betekenis van daaglikse gebedsrituele vir die vroeë Christelike gemeenskap in Noord-Afrika gedurende die tweede en derde eeue na Christus – met ander woorde voor die belangrike en histories ingrypende Konsilie van Nicea vroeg in die vierde eeu – toe te lig. Soos die Finse Nuwe Testamentikus en historiese antropoloog Risto Uro (2019:10) beklemtoon: “[I]f early Christianity is approached from the perspective of history of religion, ritual ought to have its place in te story of Christian origins.” In die vorming van godsdienstige identiteit speel die rituele dus ’n wesenlike rol, en die keuse om hierdie studie te beperk tot die voor-Niceense kerk in Noord-Afrika het dus te make met beide die unieke klem van die relevante primêre bronne op daaglikse gebedsrituele en die sosiogodsdienstige landskap van hierdie antieke Romeinse provinsie waarbinne hierdie rituele histories ontstaan het en verstaan is. In teenstelling hiermee bespreek geen bestaande bronne uit die voor-Niceense tydvak die gebedsrituele van byvoorbeeld die noemenswaardige Christelike gemeenskappe in Antiochië of Palestina nie (Frøyshov 2010:122). Die vroeë Latynse Kerk in Noord-Afrika verteenwoordig egter ook ’n unieke teologiese en ritueel-liturgiese tradisie wat in bepaalde opsigte beduidend verskil van die hoogs Platoniese aard van die vroeë Alexandrynse Christendom. In Noord-Afrika het die vroegste kerk dan ook haar eie unieke uitdagings gehad in terme van haar sosiopolitieke posisionering in die hierdie historiese konteks (Burns en Jensen 2014:51, 179).
Aangesien gebed dan ook by uitstek die medium is waarmee die leefwêreld van die mens met die goddelike wêreld verbind word, vervul gebedsrituele ’n besondere funksie in die skepping van heilige ruimtes en heilige verhoudings wat integraal tot die vestiging en onderhouding van godsdiensgemeenskappe is (Kazen 2018:233). Om hierdie rede bied die bestudering van gebed as daaglikse ritueel dus potensiaal vir ’n unieke blik op die vroegste sosiogodsdienstige ontwikkeling van Christelike gemeenskappe op die Afrika-vasteland. Tweedens word gefokus op die tydperk voor die Konsilie van Nicea (325 n.C.) omdat die Christelike kerk vanaf hierdie tyd ’n baie sterk politieke en institusionele karakter aangeneem het – iets volkome vreemd aan voor-Niceense Christelike gemeenskappe, wat hul eie uitdagings gehad het in terme van hul sosiogodsdienstige posisionering en afgrensing binne die historiese konteks van die Joodse en Grieks-Romeinse wêreld waarin hulle hul bevind het.
Die fokus van hierdie artikel is dus die bestudering van die teologiese narratiewe onderliggend aan die daaglikse gebedsrituele van die vroeë Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika as onderdeel van die Romeinse of Latynse antieke wêreld, om sodoende die belangrikheid van hierdie rituele as sosiogodsdienstige identiteitsmerkers vir hierdie gemeenskappe te beklemtoon – spesifiek hoe hierdie gemeenskappe hulself onderskei het binne ’n Judeo-Romeinse en Mistieke godsdienstige konteks, aangesien dit ook in Romeinse Noord-Afrika vir hierdie jong godsdienstige beweging juis op daardie stadium van wesenlike belang was (Burns en Jensen 2014:31, 39). Hierdie oogmerk sal bereik word deur eerstens te kyk na die relevante getuienis van die patristiese bronne, dit is, die voor-Niceaanse kerkvaders van Noord-Afrika, waarna ondersoek ingestel sal word na die historiese oorsprong van hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele. Verder sal klem geplaas word op die Joodse daaglikse gebedsrituele van die tyd, aangesien die vroegste Christelike gemeenskappe grotendeels uit hierdie rituele en kulturele agtergrond afkomstig was, en ook omdat dit wesenlik was vir die eerste Christene om hulself juis van die Judaïsme te onderskei en af te baken. Uiteindelik sal ’n paar gevolgtrekkings aangaande die aard en onderskeidende karaktertrekke van die daaglikse gebedsrituele van die vroegste Christene in Noord-Afrika gemaak word, in die besonder hoe hierdie rituele gefunksioneer het om hierdie godsdiensgemeenskap as historiese sosiogodsdienstige verskynsel te begrens en te konkretiseer.
3. Die patristiese getuienis
In Tertullianus (155–220), een van die belangrikste die vroeë kerkvaders in Noord-Afrika, se werk oor gebed (De Oratione), geskryf aan die einde van die tweede eeu, beskryf hy daaglikse gebed as ’n ritueel “wat die tye van die dag afbaken – op die derde, sesde en negende uur – soos ons die gebruik ook in die Skrif gevestig sien”1 (Tertullianus 1952:25). Hy beroep hom dan ook op Nuwe Testamentiese narratiewe as bekragtiging daarvan: Die gawe van die Heilige Gees is uitgestort op die derde uur (Handelinge 2:15), die apostel Petrus se visioen is rondom die sesde uur aan hom geopenbaar (Handelinge 10:9), en dit was teen die negende uur van die dag dat Petrus en Johannes die verlamde man genees het (Handelinge 3:1). Volgens Tertullianus sou die gevestigde gebruik van daaglikse gebed onder Christene in Noord-Afrika in hierdie narratiewe begrond wees. Verder verbind hy hierdie vasgestelde tye vir daaglikse gebed met die Drie-Eenheid, waarna hy egter byvoeg dat hierdie drie daaglikse gebedstye bykomend tot “die statutêre gebede van sonop en sononder” is (Tertullianus 1952:25).2
Die kerkvader Cyprianus (210–258) skryf op sy beurt in sy werk oor die Onse Vader, getiteld De Oratione Dominica, dat die daaglikse gebedsrituele van Christene begrond is in die Ou Testamentiese verhaal van Daniël, wat drie keer per dag, om die derde, sesde en negende uur, gebid het (Cyprianus 1904:34). Soos Tertullianus beskou ook hy hierdie ritueel om drie keer per dag met intervalle van drie uur te bid as ’n verwysing na die Drie-Enige karakter van God. Verder vind hy ook, soos Tertullianus, ’n bepaalde narratiewe begronding vir hierdie rituele gebruik, naamlik die uitstorting van die Heilige Gees om die derde uur (Handelinge 2:15), en die visioen van Petrus om die sesde uur (Handelinge 10:9), maar begrond die gebed om die negende uur daarin dat dit die tyd van die dag is wanneer Jesus aan die kruis gesterf het en, dus, sy versoeningswerk voltooi het. Soos Tertullianus voeg hy egter dan ook by dat “hierby bykomend die ure is wat van ouds af waargeneem is”, naamlik die gebede om dagbreek en sononder, met eersgenoemde wat as dankgebed vir die opstanding van Christus funksioneer en laasgenoemde as eskatologiese verwagtingsgebed (Cyprianus 1904:34).3
Vir Cyprianus is hierdie vyfvoudige daaglikse gebedskursus dus gewortel in die narratiewe van beide die Ou Testamentiese profete wat vooruitsien na die koms van die Messias en die Nuwe Testamentiese getuienis aangaande die menswording, lyding, sterwe en opstanding van Jesus Christus. Verder was ’n eskatologiese verwagting aangaande die koms van God se koninkryk, waaraan ’n bede van die Onse Vader ook gewy word, ’n integrale element van daaglikse gebede. Cyprianus beklemtoon dan ook die eskatologiese aard van daaglikse gebedsrituele as hy skryf dat hierdie aksie Christene deurlopend help om hul fokus te rig op die koms van hierdie koninkryk waaraan alle volke sal deel hê (Cyprianus 1904:13).
Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat die getuienis van albei kerkvaders daarop dui dat die voor-Niceense kerk in Noord-Afrika ’n goed gevestigde vyfvoudige daaglikse gebedsritueel geken het. Hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele het dan ook gedien as presedent vir hierdie rituele se universele aanvaarding deur al die kerke in die Romeinse Ryk na afloop van die Konsilie van Nicea in die vierde eeu (Frøyshov 2010:128).
4. Die historiese oorsprong van die daaglikse gebedsrituele van vroeë Christene in Noord-Afrika
Vir ’n aantal dekades gedurende die 20ste eeu was C.W. Dugmore se hipotese dat die oggend- en aandgebede, so kenmerkend van die vroeë Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika, sterk wortels in die gebedsrituele van die Judaïsme, kenmerkend van die antieke wêreld, gehad het.4 Dié hipotese is egter deur die liturgiehistorikus Paul Bradshaw se belangrike studie, Daily prayer in the Early Church, oorspronklik in 1981 gepubliseer, uitgedaag. Bradshaw het daarop gewys dat die destydse rabbynse aanbiddingspraktyke geen uniformiteit gehad het nie en dat die idee dat die oggend- en aandgebede universele Joodse praktyk was, onhoudbaar is. Hy stel dat dit ’n onbewese historiese aanname is om daarvan uit te gaan dat die liturgiese praktyke waaraan Jesus en die apostels gewoond sou gewees het, identies was aan dié waaraan tweedegeslag-Christene in die eerste eeu, of veral Christene in die tweede of derde eeu, gewoond sou gewees het (Bradshaw 2008b). Terwyl die bekende Sjema van Deuteronomium 6:4–9 natuurlik ’n integrale deel van die daaglikse rituele praktyke van Joodse gelowiges in beide Palestina en die diaspora gedurende die eerste eeu was, wys die getuienis dat daar noemenswaardige veranderings aan die struktuur van daaglikse gebede aangebring is na die vernietiging van die tempel in Jerusalem in 70 n.C. In die tydperk vanaf die val van die tempel tot vroeg in die tweede eeu n.C. is nuwe uitdrukkings en patrone geskep en ander veranderinge aangebring wat daartoe gelei het dat daar ’n wye verskeidenheid gebede ontstaan het wat in verskillende gemeenskappe op verskillende tye van die dag gebid is (Heineman 1977:37).
Ten spyte van ’n volledige gebrek aan rituele eenvormigheid in die destydse Judaïsme is historici dit eens dat die voor-Niceense Christene die oggend- en aandgebede wel as ’n rituele plaasvervanger, of rituele verlenging, van die daaglikse tempeloffers kenmerkend van die Ou Testamentiese godsdiens (soos byvoorbeeld voorgeskryf in Eksodus 28:38–41) gesien het (Frøyshov 2010:130). Dat die oggend- en aandgebede so verstaan is, word beklemtoon deur die feit dat Tertullianus (1952:25) dit as “statutêr”5 beskryf, waardeur hy beide hierdie gebede se liturgiese status en die wetlike presedente daarvoor in die Mosaïese wet beklemtoon. In hierdie opsig blyk die primêre bronne die interpretasie van die godsdienshistorikus Stefan Reif te ondersteun. Reif argumenteer dat die vyfvoudige daaglikse gebed van die vroegste Christene in Noord-Afrika ’n kombinasie was van ’n geïnstitusionaliseerde liturgiese praktyk van oggend- en aandgebede aan die een kant, en ’n gevestigde drievoudige private daaglikse rituele toewydingspraktyk aan die ander kant (Reif 1993:84). Dit impliseer egter nie dat die oggend- en aandgebede verstaan is as verpligtend, en die drievoudige gebedsritueel deur die dag as opsioneel nie. Uit Tertullianus se geskrifte is dit duidelik dat dit in Noord-Afrika gedurende dié tyd as normatief beskou is vir Christene om vyf keer per dag te bid, met die drievoudige kursus wat in die Nuwe Testamentiese narratiewe begrond is, net soos wat die tweevoudige kursus in die Ou Testament begrond is. Verder beskou Tertullianus (1890:x) die drie-uur-intervalle tussen gebede as periodes met eie rituele waarde vir die ritmiese strukturering van die daaglikse Christelike lewe: “Hierdie drie-uurlikse siklus is ook in harmonie met ons menslike indeling van die dag, waardeur ons daaglikse aktiwiteite onderskei word en daarom aanklank vind by die algemene bevolking. Daarom word hierdie tye afgesonder vir toewyding aan goddelike gebed.”6
Die evangeliese narratiewe beklemtoon ’n nadruklik eskatologiese element in die oproep om gedurig te bid, soos blyk uit Jesus se gelykenis van die tien maagde wat vir die bruidegom wag (Matteus 25:13), sowel as uit sy vermaning van sy dissipels om wakker te bly en te bly bid in die tuin van Getsemane (Matteus 26:40–41). Soos die godsdienshistorikus Gregory Woolfenden (2004:12) tereg uitwys: “There appears to be an apocalyptic side to this exhortation, not just a concern for the avoidance of sleep. The importance of the night watch [for the early Christians] cannot be doubted.” Dit is veral die rituele aandgebede wat gekenmerk is deur ’n bepaalde eskatologiese bewustheid en gereedheid (Woolfenden 2004:23). Hiermee word die deelname van die gelowige aan die Christosentriese narratief wat verlede, hede en toekoms omvat, beklemtoon. Deur middel van deelname aan hierdie ritueel, selfs in ’n private konteks, word die gelowige opgeneem in hierdie teologiese en eskatologiese narratief, en verbind aan ander gelowiges in die hede, verlede en toekoms, en ook aan die God wat aanbid word. Wat die oggendgebede betref, was dit algemeen vir die vroegste Christene in Noord-Afrika om die verlossingswerk van Christus te interpreteer binne die raamwerk van die beeld van lig en duisternis, en dan veral die oorgang van duisternis na lig. Die siklus van dag en nag is dan ook verstaan as ’n illustrasie daarvan, met dagbreek wat heenwys na die opstanding en die lewe (Woolfenden 2004:13). By wyse van daaglikse deelname aan die ritueel word die gelowige se identiteit as deel van beide ’n konkrete en ’n eskatologiese godsdiensgemeenskap – as ligdraer in hul historiese konteks – bevestig en versterk.
Dat die tweeledige daaglikse gebedsritueel van die vroeë Christene in Noord-Afrika so ’n beduidende Christologiese en eskatologiese karakter gehad het, werp verder twyfel op Dugmore (1944) se teorie dat hierdie rituele in die destydse Judaïstiese gebruike begrond is – iets wat nou grotendeels verwerp word. Die huidige konsensus onder godsdienshistorici is dat dit anakronisties sou wees om die vyfvoudige daaglikse gebedskursus net so terug te probeer vind in die Joodse liturgiese gebruike van die antieke wêreld. Veel eerder sou dit ’n sintese wees van twee aparte gebedstradisies – ’n tradisie van oggend- en aandgebede saam met ’n tradisie van gebede om die derde, sesde en negende uur – wat gelei het tot die vestiging van hierdie rituele gebruik onder Christene in Noord-Afrika (Woolfenden 2004:134). My fokus verskuif daarom na wyses waarop hierdie sintese deur teologiese narratiewe bekragtig en gevolglik as rituele gebruik gevestig is.
5. Die narratiewe bekragtiging van daaglikse gebedsrituele in die voor-Niceense kerk in Noord-Afrika
Beide Frøyshov (2010:135) en Bradshaw (2008a:22) wys daarop dat die liturgiese en rituele impak wat Joodse en vroeë Christelike gemeenskappe op mekaar gehad het, oor die algemeen eerder wederkerig was en dit dus nie die geval was dat eersgenoemde tot laasgenoemde gelei het nie. As dit by byvoorbeeld die nagmaalsritueel kom, wys beide Bradshaw (2004:144–5) en die Nederlandse godsdienshistorikus Gerhard Rouwhorst (2007:295) daarop dat die 20ste-eeuse literatuur se klem op die Joodse oorsprong van die vroeë Christelike nagmaalsgebruike oordrewe was, aangesien hierdie gemeente-ete as ’n allegoriese ritueel verwysend na die lyding, dood en opstanding van Jesus beoefen is, eerder as wat dit as ’n tipe offermaaltyd verstaan is. Hierdie bydraes het die weg gebaan vir ’n nuwe verstaan van die rituele ontwikkeling van die vroeë Christendom, in die sin dat dit ’n aanname wat op daardie stadium feitlik onbetwisbaar voorgekom het, naamlik dié van ’n deurslaggewende rituele kontinuïteit met die Judaïsme, in twyfel getrek het. In navolging van Bradshaw en Rouwhorst het die literatuur toenemend die sosiokulturele aspek van die rituele begin beklemtoon. So het die godsdienshistorikus Andrew McGowan (2014:48) van Yale Universiteit die sosiale aspekte van die nagmaalete as ’n unieke en onderskeidende saambindende ritueel vir die vroeë Christelike gemeenskap begin beklemtoon.
Met ander woorde, vroeë Christelike rituele – ook gebedsrituele – was nie in die tradisies van die Judaïsme gebaseer nie, maar beide het saam binne dieselfde historiese konteks ontwikkel. Soos Frøyshov (2010:135) dit beskryf:
Jewish and Christian daily prayer of Late Antiquity evolved side by side with a similar heritage but with different presuppositions, [and] … there was a third sibling, the community of the Dead Sea scrolls, which in its own way developed a liturgical life separate from, but dependent upon the Temple cult.
Hierdie baanbrekerswerk is wesenlik belangrik vir die historiese verstaan van die rol van die rituele as sosiogodsdienstige identiteitsmerkers in die konteks van die antieke wêreld. Die Romeinse provinsie Noord-Afrika was gedurende die eerste drie eeue na Christus ’n godsdienstig diverse plek, met van die inheemse bevolkings wat son- en maanaanbidding, asook die mistieke godsdienste soos die Mithras-kultus, beoefen het (Burns en Jensen 2014:39). Hierdie godsdienste het almal natuurlik hul eie, meestal eenvoudige, rituele gehad wat sowel tuis as by altare op heilige plekke beoefen is (ibid. 174). Kenmerkend van die godsdienstige landskap van Noord-Afrika gedurende hierdie tyd was egter die sinkretistiese karakter van die plaaslike godsdiensbeoefening, waar Romeinse politeïsme dikwels met die aanbidding van plaaslike stamgode geïntegreer is (Akinyobe 2018:58). In hierdie konteks was die Judaïsme en die Christendom uitsonderings, aangesien beide ’n sterk en eksklusiewe monoteïstiese karakter beklemtoon het. In die praktyk sou dit beteken dat dit vir die godsdienslandskap in Noord-Afrika dus vir die eerste Christene ’n prioriteit sou wees om hulself van die gevestigde Joodse godsdiensgemeenskappe te onderskei, in ’n proses wat die patristiekkenner Michael J. Kruger (2017:14) beskryf as die tweede-eeuse “emergence of Christianity as its own distinctive movement [as] Christians made bold claims about their own identity as Israel; it was the followers of Christ who were the true ‘sons of Abraham’, the real ‘circumcision’ group, and partakers in a ‘better’ covenant”. Binne hierdie historiese konteks was dit daarom vir die vroeë kerk belangrik om haarself – ook ten opsigte van konkrete en sigbare rituele – as godsdiensgemeenskap af te grens en te onderskei van veral die Judaïsme, om sodoende enige verwarring te voorkom.
Tydens die tweede en derde eeu na Christus het daar binne die Judaïsme van die antieke wêreld ’n verskeidenheid daaglikse gebedsrituele ontstaan wat ook op vasgestelde tye van die dag plaasgevind het. Dit was grotendeels die resultaat van die ritualisering van die Adima-gebed met 18 gepaardgaande bedes (Frøyshov 2010:136). Die historiese konteks vir hierdie ontwikkeling was die vernietiging van die tempel in Jerusalem in 70 n.C. Hierna het die rituele fokus binne die Jodedom na die sinagoges verskuif. Waar die tempeldiens vroeër die liturgiese en rituele hart en siel van Judaïsme was, vind vanaf die einde van die eerste eeu ’n proses plaas wat historici soos die professor in klassieke rabbynse literatuur aan Brandeis Universiteit in die VSA, Reuven Kimelman (2008:573–4), beskryf as die “templization of the synagogue” – ’n proses waardeur die plaaslike sinagoges baie van die rituele en liturgiese funksies van die tempel begin oorneem het. Waar die sinagoges dus voorheen hoofsaaklik as gemeenskapsentrums gefunksioneer het, is hulle na die vernietiging van die tempel bewustelik as liturgiese sentrums ontwikkel (Reif 2020:10). Binne hierdie konteks van aanbidding in die sinagoge het die Adima-gebede as daaglikse rituele instelling ontwikkel. In die antieke samestelling van mondelingse oorlewerings binne die Judaïsme, bekend as die Misjna, word ’n tweeledige liturgie beskryf wat uit die Adima en die Sjema bestaan. Die woord sjema in die naam Sjema-gebed is afgelei uit die Hebreeuse woord vir “hoor”, die eerste woord van die Sjema-frase soos gevind in Deuteronomium 6:4: “Hoor Israel, JHWH ons God is Een.” Die Sjema is die Judaïsme se belangrikste teologiese belydenis, en die rituele wesenlikheid daarvan kan nouliks oorskat word (Kervin 2019:116). Dit is om hierdie rede, asook weens die monoteïstiese klem van die Sjema – iets wat beide Judaïsme en die Christendom in die antieke wêreld onderskei het – dat navorsers in die verlede dikwels geneig het om die Sjema verkeerdelik as onderliggend aan die oggend- en aandgebede van die vroeë Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika te beskou (Kervin 2019:133), terwyl laasgenoemde veel eerder deur ’n beduidende Christosentriese en eskatologiese narratief bekragtig is.
Die Adima-gebede, daarenteen, is aangepas vir elke aangeleentheid, en verskillende gebede het op die Sabbat en ander heilige dae rituele funksies vervul (Kimelman 2008:580). Wat noemenswaardig is, is dat hierdie gebedsrituele, wat aanvanklik nie binne die Judaïsme in verband met die tempeldiens gestaan het nie, vanaf die einde van die eerste eeu toenemend as plaasvervangend vir die daaglikse tempel- en offerdiens verstaan is. Die daaglikse tye van die Adima-gebedsrituele is gevolglik deur die rabbi’s met die daaglikse tempeldiens vereenselwig (Kimelman 2008:581–2, 587). Die Adima-gebed is vir hierdie doel aangewend juis omdat bepaalde bedes ’n duidelike verlange na die herstel van die tempeldiens benadruk. Gevolglik is ’n doelbewuste poging aangewend om die tye van die Adima-gebed te laat korreleer met die tradisionele tye waarop die tempelofferdiens plaasgevind het (Kimelman 2008:585). Die bekende Damaskus-dokument, een van die Dooie See-rolle wat by Qumran ontdek is, ondersteun ook die idee dat gebedsrituele binne die Judaïsme van die antieke wêreld verstaan is as plaasvervangend vir die offerrituele (CD 11.18–21).7 In latere eeue sou daar, onder die invloed van Christene, sommige rabbi’s wees wat probeer het om die drieledige daaglikse gebedsrituele in verband te bring met ’n godsdienstige ervaring van die natuurlike tydsiklus van die dag, maar die feit van die saak is dat die Adima-gebede, in terme van beide struktuur en inhoud, altyd by uitstek ’n kultiese en openbaar-liturgiese gebed was, en gesien is as opvolger van die rituele tradisies van die tempeldiens (Frøyshov 2010:136). Daarteenoor was Christene se daaglikse gebedsrituele nadruklik deur Nuwe Testamentiese narratiewe en Trinitariese teologiese uitgangspunte bekragtig, tesame met ’n toewyding tot die belydenis van Jesus as opgestane Here (Frøyshov 2010:137–8).
Die drieledige daaglikse gebedsritueel om die derde, sesde en negende ure blyk by uitstek begrond te wees in die aanvaarde narratiewe aangaande die lyding van Christus. Dit was algemene gebruik vir die vroeë kerk, nie net in Noord-Afrika nie, maar ook elders in die antieke wêreld, om op Woensdae en Vrydae om drie-uur die middag liturgiese dienste te hou wat saamgeval het met die einde van die gebruiklike vas op hierdie dae – soos voorgeskryf deur die vroeë Christelike geskrif, die Didache (2014:8.1). Hierdie spesifieke tyd is ook gekies omdat dit saamval met die tyd wat Christus aan die kruis dood is. Maar soos dit onder Christene in Noord-Afrika gebruiklik geword het om ook op ander dae te vas, is die vas daagliks deur ’n private daad van aanbidding beëindig, en sodoende is die rituele gebruik van gebed om die negende uur gevestig (Bradshaw 2008a:62).
Verder verwys die sogenaamde Egiptiese kerkorde (ook bekend as die Traditio apostolica), wat oorspronklik in ongeveer 215 n.C. geskryf is, na die gebruik binne die vroeë kerk om byna daagliks soggens kategeseklasse aan te bied, maar dit voeg by dat gelowiges op dae wanneer daar geen kategeseklasse is nie, soggens self ’n heilige geskrif moet lees (Traditio Apostolica 1996:41.4). Die liturgiehistorikus Paul Bradshaw (2008a:70) wys daarop dat die aanbidding om die derde uur nie net in Alexandrië nie, maar ook in die Latynssprekende Noord-Afrika hieruit ontwikkel in ’n daaglikse ritueel wat sou ooreenkom met die tyd wanneer gelowiges andersins bymekaar sou kom vir kategese. Met die vestiging van daaglikse gebedsrituele om dagbreek, die derde uur, die sesde uur en met sononder, was dit die logiese volgende stap om die ritme van die dagsiklus te voltooi deur die toevoeging van ’n rituele gebed om die sesde uur, oftewel 12:00 (Bradshaw 2008a:62).
Vir die daaglikse gebedsrituele was daar dus, net soos byvoorbeeld met die nagmaalsrituele, ’n bepaalde teologiese diskontinuïteit met die Joodse godsdienstige agtergrond van baie van die eerste Christelike gelowiges in Noord-Afrika. Dit beteken egter nie dat daar nie ’n wedersydse ritueel-teologiese invloed tussen Jode en Christene was nie – beide godsdienstige raamwerke beklemtoon immers die volkome afhanklikheid van die mens van God vir beide liggaamlike en geestelike daaglikse benodigdhede as onderliggend tot die noodsaak vir daaglikse gebed. Verder deel beide ’n gemeenskaplike verstaan van gebed as ’n middel om in die teenwoordigheid van God te kom, dit wil sê die idee dat rituele deelname aan gebed ’n reis bemiddel vanaf die leefwêreld van die mens na die goddelike wêreld. Beide Judaïsme en die Christendom het ook natuurlik histories die rituele funksie van gebed vir die strukturering van die gelowige se lewe by wyse van deelname aan gebedsrituele in beide ’n private en ’n openbaar-liturgiese konteks beklemtoon. Nietemin, waar die Judaïsme gebed sien as ’n middel tot die verkryging van verbondsguns, word die Christelike gebedslewe gekenmerk deur ’n sterk appèl op die geregtigheid van Jesus Christus as Middelaar tot God, wat dan as basis dien om, via die gebedsritueel, te deel in die goddelike krag van die Heilige Gees. Gebedsrituele het daarom ook in die konteks van die voor-Niceense kerk in Noord-Afrika ’n baie sterk Christosentriese en Trinitariese karakter vertoon (Chadwick 2001:221).
Die Christosentriese en Trinitariese narratiewe inherent aan hierdie rituele gebruike van die vroeë Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika, wat uit lidmate van beide Joodse en nie-Joodse agtergronde saamgestel is, het nie net die gebedsrituele van die Grieks-Romeinse en Joodse godsdienste onderskei in terme van die teologiese inhoud en doel daarvan nie, maar ook hierdie gemeenskappe se sosiogodsdienstige uniekheid in hul historiese konteks beklemtoon. Met ander woorde, in ooreenstemming met die godsdienshistoriese benadering van Jan Bremmer (2007:42–3) moet hierdie gebedsrituele verstaan word as een van die praktiese middele waardeur die antieke Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika hulself onderskei het en hulself binne die historiese godsdienstige landskap van daardie tyd geposisioneer het. Nie net het hierdie gebedsrituele bepaalde teologiese narratiewe vir die Christelike gemeenskappe in Noord-Afrika beliggaam nie, maar rituele deelname aan daaglikse gebede het op sigself aan gelowiges die geleentheid verskaf om self deel te word van die narratiewe beliggaming. Hulle het daardeur hulself in hul bepaalde historiese konteks geposisioneer as erfgename van die historiese verlossingswerk van God in Christus, en as afwagtendes van die eskatologiese heerlikheid van Christus se oorwinning in die toekoms.
Hierdie herwaardering van die daaglikse gebedsrituele van hierdie gemeenskappe, veral rakende die sosiogodsdienstige funksie wat die narratiewe bekragtiging of regverdiging daarvan vervul het, toon ook die wesenlikheid van historiese rituele gebruike om een godsdiensgemeenskap af te grens van ander deur aan hierdie gemeenskap ’n bepaalde karakter, unieke identiteit en raison d’être te verskaf (Jensen 2014:95).
6. Gevolgtrekking
Uit die primêre bronne is dit duidelik dat die nadruklike Christosentriese en Trinitariese teologiese narratiewe wat die voor-Niceense kerkvaders in Noord-Afrika aangewend het, die uniekheid van hul daaglikse gebedsrituele beklemtoon het. Deur dit gedeeltelik in die Ou Testament, maar terselfdertyd ook sonder skroom in die evangeliese narratiewe aangaande die lewe en verlossingswerk van Jesus en die handelinge van die apostels te begrond, het die vroeë Christene in Noord-Afrika onder leiding van kerkvaders soos Tertullianus en Cyprianus hul vyfvoudige daaglikse gebedsrituele as uniek Christelik benadruk. Selfs die unieke narratiewe begronding van gebedsrituele in die Hebreeuse geskrifte, wat Christosentries geïnterpreteer is, het gedien om die monoteïstiese Christelike gemeenskappe van monoteïstiese Joodse gemeenskappe as unieke sosiogodsdienstige groepe in Noord-Afrika te onderskei. Soos die Kanadese Nuwe Testamentikus Lloyd Gaston (1986:164) ook uitwys:
The [early] church also felt that it could establish its own legitimacy in the eyes of the Hellenistic world only by claiming for itself the respectability and antiquity of ancient Israel and by denying this to the Jews. This displacement theory, then, which says that the church has replaced Israel as the true heir of the Old Testament is another key element of the theological anti-Judaism … [of] Tertullian.
Tertullianus (1964:3.4) verwys inderdaad byvoorbeeld, binne die konteks van die beskrywing van gebedsrituele, na ’n teks soos Jesaja 1:15 as ’n profesie dat die Jode uit die verbond uitgesluit sou word en uiteindelik “verhoed sou word om die heilige stad te betree”8 weens hul verwerping van Jesus as Messias. Hierdie bewoording wys verder op die kenmerkende eskatologiese oriëntasie wat inherent aan hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele was, in die sin dat dit sou heenwys na die ewige, geestelike Jerusalem, in teenstelling met die fisiese stad in Palestina wat nog altyd deur Jode as liturgiese en kultiese sentrum beskou is. Verder bemoedig Cyprianus ook in sy derde eeuse geskrif aangaande die Onse Vader (1904:36) gelowiges om getrou die daaglikse gebede op die bepaalde tye te bid, aangesien hierdie rituele sou dien as aanduidings van nie alleen hul toewyding aan Christus nie, maar ook van hul besondere godsdienstige verligting in teenstelling met “die heidene wat nog nie verlig is nie en die Jode wat die lig verlaat het en nou in duisternis wandel”.9
Hierdie teologiese narratiewe onderliggend aan daaglikse gebedsrituele het duidelik ten doel gehad om die voor-Niceense Christelike kerk in die konteks van Noord-Afrika te onderskei van Judaïsme, nie net ter wille van die lede van die verskeie Christelike gemeenskappe waaruit die kerk bestaan het nie, maar ook om hul unieke sosiogodsdienstige identiteit as demografiese groep binne die konteks van die bevolking van antieke Noord-Afrika te legitimeer.
Gegewe die getuienis van die primêre bronne binne hul gegewe historiese konteks, in die besonder die kerkvaders Tertullianus en Cyprianus, kom ek dus tot die gevolgtrekking dat die daaglikse gebedsrituele van die voor-Niceense Christene in Noord-Afrika gesien moet word as ’n verskynsel wat ontwikkel het binne die konteks van hierdie Christene se sosiogodsdienstige stryd vir die vestiging van ’n eie identiteit as godsdiensgemeenskap. Hierdie rituele het by uitstek die sosiogodsdienstige funksie gehad om, eerstens, die volgelinge van Jesus as gemeenskap saam te bind, onderlinge verhoudings te versterk en hierdie gemeenskap se unieke verhouding tot en band met God te bevestig. Tweedens het hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele die Christelike godsdiensgemeenskap in Noord-Afrika afgegrens van ’n verskeidenheid ander godsdiensgroepe, elk met sy unieke rituele en gebruike, maar ook met name veral van die Judaïsme, by wyse van die unieke Christosentriese en Trinitariese teologiese narratiewe waardeur dit bekragtig is. By wyse van hierdie narratiewe, en veral hul unieke eskatologiese klem, is deelname aan hierdie rituele ook verstaan as aanduidings van godsdienstige toewyding en as kenmerke van ware godsdiensbeoefening, in teenstelling met gemeenskappe wat verwerp moes word as beoefenaars van valse godsdienste. As sodanig het hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele nie net ’n teologiese funksie vervul in terme van toewyding en kommunikasie met die goddelike nie, maar was dit sosiogodsdienstige merkers wat gedien het om Christelike gemeenskappe te omlyn en af te grens. Hierdie rituele het dus in terme van hul sosiogodsdienstige funksie vir die Christelike gemeenskappe van Noord-Afrika gedien om bande met medegelowiges te versterk, terwyl dit alle ander godsdiensgemeenskappe uitgesluit het. Deelname aan hierdie rituele het toegang tot die heilige gemeenskap met God en met sy ware volgelinge verseker, en daarom gedien as daaglikse bevestiging van ’n bepaalde lidmaatskap van ’n heilige en eksklusiewe godsdienstige groepering. Met ander woorde, by wyse van deelname aan hierdie rituele moes die lede van die Christelike gemeenskap in die konteks van die diverse sosiogodienstige landskap van antieke Noord-Afrika daagliks opnuut herinner word aan hul unieke posisie en status, om sodoende dan ook vanuit hierdie posisionering hul omgewing te betree op so wyse dat die breër gemeenskap dan ook van hul godsdienstige status en toewyding sou kennis neem. Die daaglikse deelname aan hierdie rituele het dan ook gedien om die apostoliese aanmaning tot gebed sonder ophou gestand te doen (1 Tess. 5:7).
Vir die Christene in Noord-Afrika was gebed egter natuurlik meer as ’n lewenswyse. Dit was ook meer as ’n uitdrukking en fisiese vergestalting van ’n begrensde sosiogodsdienstige identiteit waardeur ’n bepaalde sosiogodsdienstige insluiting- en uitsluitingsfunksie vervul word. Terwyl hierdie rituele gedien het as bekragtiging van die Christelike gemeenskap se unieke bestaansreg, was dit dan ook met name gedoen met die uitbreiding van hierdie godsdiensgemeenskap voor oë. Juis om hierdie rede was hierdie daaglikse gebede gekenmerk deur ’n sterk eskatologiese klem, waarmee die fokus beduidend geplaas is op die koms van Christus se universele koninkryk. By wyse van hierdie eskatologiese fokus oorbrug hierdie gebedsrituele dan ook die tragiek van godsdienstige konflik, aangesien die versoening met en toenemende insluiting van ander in hierdie nuwe godsdiensgemeenskap as van wesenlike belang geag is. Die besondere van die identiteitskeppende aard van hierdie daaglikse gebedsrituele lê dan ook daarin dat hierdie identiteitsvorming as sodanig ook terselfdertyd gepaard gegaan het met die universele uitnodiging aan ander om deel van hierdie godsdiensgemeenskap te word.
Dus, sonder om te verval in Robert Bellah se vreemde postulaat dat die rituele as sodanig sou funksioneer as oorsprong van godsdiensoortuigings, wys hierdie studie hoe rituele deelname deurslaggewend was vir die sosiohistoriese opkoms van die Christelike godsdiensgemeenskap in Noord-Afrika. Vir die vorming en bevestiging van hierdie vroeë Christelike gemeenskap het deelname aan daaglikse gebedsrituele ’n wesenlike sosiogodsdienstige en kulturele funksie vervul, deurdat dit nie net hierdie gemeenskap se unieke identiteit en bestaansreg nie, maar ook die lede van hierdie gemeenskap se toewyding tot die toenemende konkretisering van die Christelike kerk in Noord-Afrika, bekragtig en bevestig het.
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Eindnotas
1 Die oorspronklike Latyn lees: “istarum dico communium quae diei interspatia signant, tertia sexta nona, quas sollemniores in scripturis invenire est”
2 “exceptis utique legitimis orationibus quae sine ulla admonitione debentur ingressu lucis et noctis”
3 “praeter horas antiquas observatas”
4 Sien Dugmore (1944).
5 “legitimis”
6 “omni tempore orandi tamen tres istas horas ut insigniores in rebus humanis, quam diem distribuunt, quae negotia distinguunt, quae publice resonant, ita et sollemniores fuisse in orationibus diuinis”
7 CD verwys na die Damaskus-dokument as deel van die Dooie See-rolle. Die relevante inskrywings in die bibliografie is Broshi (red.) 1992 en Qimron 1992.
8 “in sanctam civitatem ingredi prohiberetur”
9 “gentiles, qui necdum illuminati sunt, vel Iudaei, qui deserto lumine in tenebris remanserunt”
• Die fokusprent deur falco by hierdie artikel is van Pixabay verkry.
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Abstract
Conceptualising ritual is integral to the formation of the necessary framework for understanding religion as a phenomenon in antiquity, especially in terms of its role in publicly legitimising the foundational religious myths or narratives of a faith community in its particular historical context. In this way, participation in ritual historically served the distinct purpose of distinguishing a faith community and binding the members of that community together. In the context of late antiquity in particular, ritual played a vital role in terms of religious identity formation.
The historian of religion Jan Bremmer has pointed out how communal participation in ritual brings a community towards a strengthened association with the myths foundational to their very religious identity, thereby unifying that community around a distinctive theological narrative. In light thereof, this article amplifies the socio-religious significance of daily prayer rituals for the earliest Christian community in the Roman province of North Africa during the second and third centuries. The relevant patristic sources from this particular historical and geographical context highlight this Christian community’s unique emphasis on daily prayer rituals as a vital means of distinguishing their identity in the context of a religiously diverse North Africa in which the Christian church had to position itself in a society where not only Judaism and Roman polytheism, but also various indigenous mystic religions were practiced. In contradistinction, no surviving sources from the earliest Christian communities in Antioch or Palestine place any such importance on daily prayer rituals in particular, while Roman North Africa’s unique ritual-liturgical traditions also differed radically from the characteristically Platonic form of Christianity found in Alexandria in Egypt.
The writings of both Tertullian (155–220) and Cyprian (210–258) point to a fivefold daily prayer cursus established in North Africa, rooted in Biblical narratives. This included morning and evening prayers based on the Old Testament tradition of daily sacrifice rituals conducted at the temple, in combination with a threefold cursus rooted in various New Testament narratives. While these daily prayer rituals developed side by side with the existing Jewish prayer rituals in North Africa at the time, the narratives underlying the rituals of the Christian community were uniquely characterised by their Trinitarian character as well as their emphasis on the redemptive work of Christ. One of the distinguishing aspects of this redemptive emphasis in daily prayer rituals was a decisively eschatological focus. By means of participation in these rituals the believer became an active participant in these theological and eschatological narratives, thereby establishing not only a unique connection to all believers in the past, present and future, but also a unique bond with the God being worshipped in the ritual.
Regarding the morning prayers it was common for the earliest Christians in North Africa to interpret the redemptive work of Christ within a paradigm of darkness being transformed into light. The cycle of day and night came to be understood as symbolic of this cosmic redemption, with daybreak in particular pointing to the resurrection and new life. By means of daily participation in these prayer rituals the believer’s identity as integrally part of both a historically rooted and an eschatologically orientated faith community was ratified and strengthened. The gospel narratives underlying these rituals, such as the parable of the ten virgins (Matthew 25:13) and Jesus’ admonition of his disciples to stay awake and pray in Gethsemane (Matthew 26:40–41) were understood as lending a distinct eschatological dimension to the call to pray continually.
The Christocentric and Trinitarian narratives inherent to the daily prayer rituals of the pre-Nicene Christian community in North Africa – a community consisting of members from both Jewish and non-Jewish backgrounds – not only distinguished this community from Graeco-Roman and Jewish religions by virtue of the theological content and purpose of said rituals, but also emphasised the socio-religious uniqueness of this community in that particular historical context. These rituals therefore need to be understood as a very practical means by which Christians distinguished themselves as a unique faith community within the socio-religious landscape of the time. The community thereby positioned themselves as inheritors of the historical redemptive work of God in Christ as well as a community awaiting the full eschatological glory of Christ’s victory in future.
Amplifying their own uniqueness as a faith community was especially important to the early Christian community in North Africa in terms of establishing its own legitimacy in the eyes of the Graeco-Roman culture by claiming for itself the position and respectability of ancient Israel while denying this to the Jews. Both Tertullian and Cyprian emphasise Jesus’ status as Messiah in their writings on prayer, which formed the basis of their eschatological orientation towards an eternal, spiritual Jerusalem in contradistinction to the physical city in Palestine regarded by Judaism as a liturgical centre.
In sanctioning the rituals and by providing participation in them with meaning, Christocentric theological narratives served as confirmation of religious devotion and orthodoxy in contradistinction to other faith communities with practices which were to be rejected as idolatry. As such these rituals served as socio-religious markers distinguishing the Christian community. Daily prayer rituals therefore not only strengthened the bonds within the community itself, but also served to exclude outsiders. In other words, by means of participation in these rituals, members of the ancient Christian community in North Africa were to be constantly reminded of their unique position and status in order to engage in society in a manner that showcased their distinct devotion to true religion. At the same time, the eschatological expansion of this community remained a chief focus throughout, allowing these rituals to transcend the tragedy of religious conflict, as the eventual reconciliation with and inclusion of all outsiders remained an important aim throughout. Therefore, what made this particular form of religious identity formation associated with the daily prayer rituals of the pre-Nicene church in North Africa so exceptional was that this ritual process of identity formation was always accompanied by the universal invitation to all outsiders to become part of the community. It was not only the pre-Nicene Christian community as such, but also the devotion of the members of that community to its ever-increasing concretisation in North Africa which was sanctioned and ratified by its daily prayer rituals.
Keywords: Cyprian; narrative; North Africa; patrology; prayer rituals; Tertullian
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Boekomslag: Jonathan Ball
Milner – Last of the empire–builders
Richard Steyn
Jonathan Ball Publishers
ISBN: 9781776191789
Richard Steyn well–known for his biography on the international South African statesman, JC Smuts, entitled Jan Smuts: unafraid of greatness (Jonathan Ball, 2015) as well as several other books, now adds Milner – Last of the empire–builders to his stable. As much as one would like to obliterate the memory of this controversial figure because of the atrocious actions and iniquitous legacy he left in South Africa during and after his work here in the late 19th century and into the first few years of the 20th century, unfortunately, the reality is that this is not possible.
Perhaps one day streets in South Africa bearing his name will change, and the relief memorial to him in St George’s Cathedral in Cape Town, immured in the wall of the St John’s Chapel, approximately twelve metres from the memorial stone of the Late Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Mpilo Tutu (1931–2021), will be removed, or Milnerton on the Atlantic Seaboard in Cape Town named after him, might get a name change as schools around the country bearing his name, one day surely will. The book provides the reader with an overall account of this period covering themes such as politics, socio–economic conditions, and the cultural life in a far–off British colony. Neither is Steyn professing to write academically, he writes for readers who read for pleasure but who want to be informed. The fact remains the book is an important text and adds richly to South African historiography for an understanding of an era. I always knew Milner as a bad piece of work, responsible for early apartheid and the fact that the horrific treatment of women and children in the concentration camps happened under his administration. However, after reading this book I now understand just how destructive his policies were, although he is not the only one to blame. There were worse ones if this can be believed, such as Kitchener, inextricably intertwined in this "evil empire".
Milner was born in Germany on 23 March 1854 to English parents. Already from an early stage he showed "exceptional promise" academically. His high school career was spent at King’s College in London, after which he went to Balliol College at Oxford (1872) becoming very interested in politics, religion and the merits of public service. It was not easy for him and his family, financially, to be at university, which meant that as a student Milner had to work hard to win scholarships to pay for his education. After his studies, he trained in law although he never practised in the field. Instead, he worked in journalism, writing for the prestigious Pall Mall Gazette. He stood as a candidate for Parliament for the Liberals in England but was defeated, after which he started working in public administration in the civil service in 1885. He filled various positions in this capacity; as the private secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer; followed by the Administrator of Egypt from 1889–1892; as chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue from 1892–1897, work for which he was knighted in 1895 by her Royal Highness Queen Victoria. Afterwards, he was appointed as the High Commissioner for South Africa and the Governor of the Cape Colony in 1897. He worked in South Africa until 1905 when he resigned from his position. His intention was to retire from public life and write. He was made a member of the House of Lords and was assigned to David Lloyd George’s War Cabinet from 1916–1921, during which time he worked to set up a unified Allied Command with the French military. He was then appointed Colonial Secretary at the end of WWI and was a member of the Paris Peace Conference. He resigned once again (in 1921) when he was not successful in his quest for a modified form of independence for Egypt. He continued with his writing, and died in 1925; he was married (he married late in life) and had no children.
The cover page of the book is of Milner, sourced from Hulton Deutsch/Getty Images, accompanied by the rubric: "English colonial administrator and statesman, Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner (1834–1925). Milner served as a colonial administrator in Egypt and in South Africa during the Boer war." The photograph is from 1885, making Milner 31 years of age in the photo, at the time he was standing for Parliament in England. The Table of Contents consists of a Preface; a Prologue; 35 chapters, of which the 35th is a "summing up" (just under half the number of chapters cover Milner’s time spent in South Africa); an Afterword; Acknowledgements; Notes; Select Bibliography; and the book is Indexed. It is 380 pages long. The book is dedicated to Richard Steyn’s brother Christopher "for his unstinting support"; and in memory of Gordon Forbes and Jonathan Ball (all on the dedication page); followed by six quotes for context, by Deepak Lal, an Indian economist, Roy Foster an Irish historian, John M MacKenzie a British historian, Sir Alfred Milner himself (1899), and finally the former President of South Africa, FW de Klerk, who said: "We remembered with bitterness Lord Milner’s attempts to deprive us of our language and culture." The book contains relevant photographs which the reader will come across in the text, which are explained. The photographs all serve the text well.
The Preface provides a short literature survey (including Leo Amery, CW de Kiewiet, A. Nutting, Piers Brendon, IR Smith, A Roberts, TH O’Brein, J Morris, J Buchan, R Rotberg and M Shore, D Denoon and others – some are biographies of Milner; see the "Notes" on p341 for further details). The Preface provides views from the author and context of Milner, such as ‘Milner’s reputation cannot be circumscribed by his association with South Africa alone’ which is fair enough commentary, for which the writer means Milner’s other "significant" contributions, to the First World War. Yet, more than half of the number of chapters of the book covers the eight years when Milner was in South Africa, out of a life that spanned 72 years. If one is to call it a cradle–to–grave biography then it is in this sense, out of balance. The Preface explains that Milner "thought that mankind was organised hierarchically by race, with the Anglo–Saxons at or near the top of the pile" (Steyn). For this, according to Steyn, he proudly proclaimed himself as a British "race patriot" until his dying day (1925). Imperialists of the time, including Milner, believed that the English as chosen people were driven by the need to colonise people who were less fortunate than themselves. In this way they hoped for the material progress of mankind through free trade; to spread "enlightenment" and good governance around the world – and so"‘uplift people on the lowest rungs of civilization" (in Steyn, xiii). Steyn refers to the English poet Rudyard Kipling who talks about the "lesser breeds without the law", to explain Milner (perhaps the context for this quote needs to be checked).
It cannot be argued away that Milner grew up in the age of imperialism and at the time of British cultural chauvinism; that England "must found colonies as fast and as far as she is able, formed of her most energetic and worthiest men". Steyn explains how some saw that Milner should not have been sent to South Africa; "lacking in the skills to envisage a world different from his own." Another commentator, the historian Jan Morris (Steyn says James Morris?) saw Milner as committed to systems rather than abstract ideas, as ‘a genuine imperial technocrat.’ According to the South African–born historian Donald Denoon, Milner was ‘a man of intense political vision, with a talent for analysing affairs in terms of a simple and static set of assumptions. Above all, he was an egotist who not only relished his crucial role in Anglo–Saxon relations, but indeed exaggerated it’ (p xv).
It behoves Steyn to cover the South African War and Milner’s instrumental role (in starting it). Milner, the so–called socialist autocrat which was Smuts’ term for him, not only was a major cause for the war itself, but he also played a significant role in ‘restructuring’ the two republics with the emphasis on the policy of Anglicization to ‘enable South Africa’s four colonies to be joined together under the British Crown’ (xv). It never worked out the way he wanted; we read how he failed in his objectives, yet, he tried to introduce modern farming methods after the war … this, after the barbaric destruction of the countryside that was rendered bare after the scorched earth policies. Steyn writes: ‘Nonetheless, the so–called kindergarten of brilliant would–be colonial administrators he left behind in the Transvaal contributed significantly to the unification of South Africa, a process that moved into a higher gear not long after his departure.’ How were they brilliant when the majority of South Africans were omitted from mainstream constitutionality? This is followed by descriptions of how Milner was disgusted by the fact that "the new Union of South Africa was to fall quickly into the lap of the very Boer–Afrikaners he had fought so bitterly to subjugate" (xvi).
Steyn gives an assessment of Milner, beyond South Africa, as a tax reformer, and standing in opposition to Home Rule in Ireland. He is called by this biographer as ‘one of Britain’s greatest public servants of his time, helping to reconstruct the economy of Egypt (and writing a primer on imperial administration), among other ventures’ (xvii–xviii). Then there are other engagements – ‘active businessman’; ‘social reformer’; then he ‘returned to public prominence to help bring Lloyd George to power during the First World War, before becoming his most effective cabinet member as War Secretary and Colonial Secretary’ (xviii). Milner finally married, at age 67 and died four years later at age 72. Steyn writes about his widow, Violet (formerly Lady Edward) Cecil: that she made it her mission to defend his controversial South African record by employing the journalist Cecil Headlam to compile two volumes of his correspondence and diary notes, with an accompanying text’ (xix). These are ‘The Milner Papers’ published by Cassell & Co. Ltd (London, Toronto, Melbourne & Sydney: 1933). Steyn explains how he avoids the historiographic approach – and that the book is not intended for an academic audience (as a word of caution). He then proceeds to sketch the character of Milner through his career as a government official, one of the most–high ranking in the history of modern British politics. Either way, it is historiography, a writer writing up history.
Chapter 1 traces Milner’s youth (1854 – 1879) explaining how it was that he came to be born in Germany; followed by his early schooling in England. He then went up to Oxford which influenced him to enter public life and public service: to become a ‘civilian soldier of the Empire’. Steyn explains how at Oxford he married two rather unusual strands namely imperial advancement abroad, coupled with social reform at home. He describes this as an unusual political philosophy because of the way it combined ‘two seemingly conflicting ideals’ (p 13). His academic record at university was nothing short of stellar, clearly Milner was academically gifted. Steyn says about him: ‘Although his party–political inclinations were Liberal, he was actually closer to Benjamin Disraeli’s brand of Conservatism, with its enthusiasm for The Empire, the extension of the franchise to the masses and concern for social upliftment’.
Chapter 2 covers the period 1881 – 1889 when Milner wanted to enter a career in law, but then abandoned the idea (at age 28) after he ‘had suffered a bout of deep depression’ (p 14) At that time, he moved into lodgings with Marianne Malcolm the daughter of a friend of the family, who had turned to the bottle and become mentally unstable (p 14). Gradually Milner turned to writing political articles as an apprenticeship for politics (p 15). He became the assistant to the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, William T. Stead, who ‘observed that his assistant felt the strain of his work and was easily exhausted’ and further that ‘His physical energy was deficient. He often suffered from sleeplessness, and he needed to take care of himself’. The writer John Buchan observed of him that ‘early in life he became aware that he had a limited stock of vitality, bodily and mental’ (p 15). Steyn remarks: ‘Throughout his career, overwork would give rise to health problems’. It was at that time (1881) that the Pall Mall Gazette had been critical of the government capitulating to the Boers in South Africa after the Battle of Majuba Hill (February 1881). Britain opted for peace and recognised the South African Republic of President Paul Kruger (p 15). Milner experienced a severe blow from the death of a mentor, Arnold Toynbee, the British economic historian from whom he had derived an understanding and sense of social responsibility (p 16). These events all sketch the young Milner, his character traits and his ups and downs.
Chapter 3 sees Milner in Egypt in 1889 as the Director–General of Accounts. Britain was then the predominant influence in Egypt. Reading this chapter one can get an idea of Anglo–Egyptian affairs and the deep complexities (p 23). Milner lived in Cairo and set out to manage the finances, keeping to himself socially and enjoying only some of the living there. He found the challenge of working with finances in which ‘the connection of economics with politics and morality’ was so apparent. It was in Cairo that Milner met Joseph Chamberlain, Britain’s influential Colonial Secretary. Chamberlain had recently travelled abroad and was more convinced than ever that Britain needed to retain control over pivotal Egypt for commercial and mercantile reasons. Chamberlain’s position had a few years earlier (1895) been strengthened with the Tory–Liberal imperialist coalition under Lord Salisbury (p28). Chamberlain was offered any position in the cabinet except Foreign Secretary and so chose Colonial Secretary (over the Chancellorship) which meant that he could have direct administrative influence and power over approximately 50 million people – talk about megalomania. It was Chamberlain who propagated the ‘New Imperialism’ that was the antidote to direct involvement in large parts of the globe, that started ‘splendid isolation’. Ironically, not of the same social order or stratification as Lord Salisbury, Chamberlain became known for his ‘irresistible appeal for the masses of the 1890s – who loved flash’. Working with Milner in Egypt was the Inspector General of Police, Colonel Horatio Herbert Kitchener, who had defeated the Mahdi in Sudan in 1898. Milner’s early comments of Kitchener, question him for being ‘on the right lines’; and say he was ‘ruthless in his treatment of other interests.’ (p28). Michelle Gordon of the Hugo Valentin Centre, at Uppsala University in Sweden, in an article entitled ‘Viewing Violence in the British Empire: Images of Atrocity from the Battle of Omdurman, 1898’, describes the violence and aftermath of the Battle of Omdurman, under Horatio Herbert Kitchener, thus: ‘This battle entailed a range of appalling acts on the part of the Anglo–Egyptian army, including the massacring of the enemy wounded.’[1] She argues that the atrocious graphic and visual images that she includes in her paper “provide a counterbalance to the representation of Britain’s ‘small wars’ across the Empire as ‘colonial derring–do’ ”. She argues further that ‘Such accounts contribute to masking the brutalities of British colonial warfare’. Whilst Steyn discusses Kitchener further on (p29) mentioning Omdurman where the Mahdi were defeated in 1898, perhaps the reader should get a clear image of him and the atrocities he had committed in Sudan a year prior to the arrival of Milner in Africa, other than to see the man through the eyes of Milner (see p 28). For this, Michelle Gordon’s account would be apt, to be found at http://uu.diva–portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1318055/FULLTEXT01.pdf should the reader wish to find out more about the person who was Kitchener. Chapter 3 also discusses Milner’s romance (Margot Tennant, see further down); his views on Cecil John Rhodes; and the offer he could not refuse which was to move back to Britain as its principal tax officer. Whilst he did so with mixed emotions as he had grown to like Egypt, the position would enable him to ‘paddle his own canoe’ hardly a description of the kind of work a high–placed revenue official would be expected to do. Surely more like ‘steer my own ship’, although Steyn’s comment was probably meant to sound like an antidote to the severity of the work that he knew would be in store for him.
Chapter 4 discusses Milner the ‘Tax Gatherer’ (1892 – 1897). He now found himself at Somerset House next to his old school, Kings. He was the Chairman of the Inland Revenue Board reporting directly to the Chancellor of the Exchequer who was a friend, George Goschen. That same year Milner’s book on Egypt appeared: England in Egypt. It reflected his sentiments of the ‘New Imperialism’ and was a great success and brought Milner to prominence as an imperial figure. It captured the attention of Rhodes who wrote to Milner about it. With his plan of the telegraph line from Cape to Cairo, followed by a railway, it must have been poetry to his ears. The Egyptians saw through the propaganda knowing it was written to make British occupation of their country more certain, Milner the imperialist in the middle of it. Milner was to remain in a good position (he had been a favourite of Goschen) when the change of government in Britain came about with Lord Rosebury a friend, becoming the Foreign Secretary. The two were ad idem on strong social reform at home, as well as a strong defence, and the ‘vigorous advancement of Empire worldwide’ (p 34). One might ask about Milner’s social position: he spent much of his time with aristocrats and had a ‘mistress’, a little–known actress Cecile Duval. He stayed in touch with her until he died and left her some money in his will. He also at this time met Violet Maxse, the twenty–four–year–old daughter of Admiral Frederick Maxse, the radical Liberal and social activist. He was to marry her 30 years later (for now we are in the 1890s). It should also be mentioned that at the time of his duties in Egypt he had a relationship with Margo Tennant from England who subsequently informed him in 1894 that she would be marrying H.H. Asquith the Liberal Party politician who was then the Home Secretary, subsequently to become the British Prime Minister (1808 – 1916). Steyn paints Milner as an ambitious person; competent at administration and well–connected, as academically strong, with enough proof of that from his stellar performances at school and university.
Dining with a few people at a club in London in 1895, was to have a dire effect on the future political and constitutional path of South Africa. He was to dine with amongst others Albert Grey, Lord Lansdowne, Cecil Rhodes and Dr Leander Starr Jameson … ‘ardent imperialists’. Steyn argues that ‘A topic under discussion would have been the decision by Lord Ripon, the Colonial Secretary, to send the superannuated Sir Hercules Robinson, later Lord Rosmead, back to South Africa for his second term as High Commissioner and Governor of the Cape’ (p 37). It was also then that Milner renewed his friendship with Edmund Garrett, who was going to South Africa as the newly appointed editor of the pro–imperial morning daily, the Cape Times which would help him on his political path. All of this at a time when the British government had changed, with new directions and allegiances (p 38). Of importance for Milner was Lord Salisbury’s Unionist coalition, with Joseph Chamberlain the Colonial Secretary, and Milner now Lord Milner. Salisbury knew something about South Africa as he had visited there in the early 1850s, and in fact partook of Holy Communion at Diocesan College, under the Visitorship of Bishop Robert Gray of the Anglican Church on his visit. Milner meanwhile had his sights on great things in Egypt and Sudan. He thought of Egypt and Sudan together; this was the time that Kitchener was committing his acts of barbarism in the region ‘intent on avenging General Gordon’s death at the hands of the Mahdi’s army 13 years earlier’ (p 41). Quo vadis Milner? … who was still working in the tax department.
Chapter 4 introduces ‘A New Challenge’ (1896 – 1897). The post–Jameson Raid period in South Africa confirmed the designs of imperialism in South Africa; and to add more fuel to the fire, Chamberlain the Colonial Secretary’s ‘political philosophy’ included South Africa in a British federation which would stand up to any power in the world. Included would be the raised living standards of the British. The period coincided with the press raving about the far–situated places, and Rhodes’ plans, the lure of travel and wealth, especially in South Africa where diamonds and gold had been discovered a few years before. It was no longer just Egypt and India in the design for this, but also South Africa with its strategic port at Cape Town, enshrined in maritime glory for any economic power as it was so well positioned between East and West. However, it was a country divided up, and costly to administer (Bushman Wars, Khoi Wars, Xhosa Wars, Zulu Wars). Creating a federation of the various ‘nations’ in South Africa was proving harder as new power kegs arose and contestation grew (the Boers), and the Germans’ presence in South West Africa (Namibia) was becoming a strong rival. The only way forward, therefore, was British supremacy over the Boers, although Chamberlain knew that he needed to proceed with caution so as not to cause a prolonged conflict.
Who else but Milner to carry out these designs, thought Chamberlain, whom he knew well, but they were not close friends. Chamberlain thought Milner could come into the Colonial Office as under–secretary; Milner was looking for a posting abroad, as he was tiring of routine office work. Then came the offer he was hoping for; Governor of the Cape Colony and High Commissioner for Southern Africa. Meeting Rhodes and others at the London club in 1895, all of whom were associated with South Africa in one or another way, must also have played a role with Milner’s accord for the posting. In the way he describes events, Steyn provides the building blocks to gain an understanding of how and why Milner ended up in South Africa. He could just as easily have landed up in Egypt (again) or India. Strangely enough, Milner had a premonition that it would be an awful job and that there was no chance of success, as he confessed even before leaving … so why then did he take on this position? Events in South Africa were taking a new turn, the centre of it the belligerent President Kruger, amidst which Milner, on 17 April 1897 boarded the SS Norham Castle bound for Cape Town with a briefcase full of reading, including Olive Schreiner’s The Story of an African Farm, and Machiavelli’s The Prince (did he think of himself as another Borgia, ready to exercise his political expediency over his rivals?). Good literature was important to Milner, not forgetting the propagandistic press, crucial for British sentiment to shore up sufficient confidence to fight the mighty Boers. South Africa was to be an extension of the British Empire, distinctly British and not Boer, thought Milner. This was what he thought.
Steyn gave Chapter 6 the title ‘Playing Himself In’ to explain how Milner starts conducting military operations without yet having set foot on South African soil! This to prevent the link in the imperial chain (South Africa) from snapping. The first impression of the inveterate South African politician John Xavier Merriman, of Milner, was that they were in for trouble (p 53). The two major role–players in South Africa at the time were Kruger and Rhodes, enemies of each other, and one might argue purely self–serving in their actions. Rhodes, set on his personal mission of the Cape to Cairo railway line; Kruger, on Boer autonomy. Enter Milner! There is a huge irony, however, around Rhodes, to whom Afrikaners gave their support hoping that he would forge the whites–only state they had hoped for. Thus, when the Jameson Raid occurred, someone such as Smuts changed sides, relinquished his British citizenship, and went North to join the Kruger administration. This was an era of very complex international relations in South Africa (the post–1895 era). The Transvaal (Gauteng) had risen to economic prominence through the discovery of gold (1886) on the Witwatersrand, shifting the balance of power from Cape Town to Pretoria. The German presence in South West Africa was present too; as was the British influence in other parts of Southern Africa. The newly built port at Delagoa Bay (Maputo) meant the railway line between the Cape and the Transvaal was no longer as essential for trade and exports. Kruger was plotting against foreigners (including the British), and the chance of Afrikaners in the Cape (supporting the British–led Cape Colony) might lead to them changing allegiances to the Boers. The war between the British and Boers in 1881, could not be repeated (especially not in 1897 being Queen Victoria’s Jubilee year!). Another war would be financially disastrous for Britain. The call to Milner was clear – do not entice the Boers! For now, he had things under control and in Steyn’s words, had played himself in … at least so he thought.
The next two years in South Africa, are years the biographer denotes as ‘Widening Horizons” 1897 – 1898’ which is the title of Chapter 7. Steyn describes the great Jubilee celebrations in London and mentions that Her Royal Highness Queen Victoria was seated next to (her cousin!) Archduke Franz Ferdinand at a state banquet but this is not referenced. The time is June 1897. Celebrations were also held at the Cape, at St George’s Cathedral, the seat of the country’s Anglican Church (today the Anglican Church of South Africa). Amidst these events, Milner gradually started realizing the existence of the Anglo–Dutch friction that prevailed at the Cape; as well as the racial issues, as ‘the great S. African problem’ (p 62). Who was he to turn to in his new position, Merriman, a former Prime Minister, who was probably one of the first to detect a ‘fanaticism’ in Milner (p 63)? It was Merriman who later commented, after meetings between the two, that Milner despised Parliament; was a strong Rhodes man, and anti–Transvaal. A trio of ‘detests’ could only lead to one thing. Added to it all, when Milner proposed more pressure on the Transvaal (to implement British policies, and allow foreigners to vote …), Merriman warned of ‘another Ireland in South Africa’; that war would result; Milner wrote off Merriman as a crank. Steyn paints the intricate tapestry that prevailed, in South African politics.
Milner wrote to the Colonial Office, outlining one of the more subtle parts of the situation in South Africa; the position of the white inhabitants in the Cape Colony who as British citizens would side with the Boer republics if the two were at loggerheads. He undertook a journey inland and met many English– and Afrikaans–speaking people along the way. From this he could learn more about the issues that were present, that existed in the communities – particularly the Afrikaners who had moved away from the British administration to settle as far afield as the Cape countryside, and further north, to Natal, and to the Republics. He also undertook visits to Rhodes’ territory; Kimberley and Rhodesia (Zimbabwe today). From there, he returned to Cape Town through the Portuguese territory. Milner preferred to survey the land for himself. His reports to the Colonial Office included his views of the state of Rhodesia, particularly the social and financial side, which he was not complimentary about … which he felt could lead to grave issues for Britain although there was potential wealth from gold (not on the scale of the Transvaal). He saw the race question as a difficult one although his place here, he felt, was as a kind of saviour of the situation, the man for the Pax Britannica. Underneath it all he preferred the time in Egypt … neither was he getting on with the Afrikaners, such as Jan Hofmeyr. Important people such as Marie Koopmans–De Wet, a well–educated and cultured member of Cape society, suggested that Milner should make the effort to ‘come in touch with them’ (the Afrikaners and other important Capetonians).
Chapter 8, ‘Choosing Sides – 1898’, is anathema for Milner; how could he if he was this race patriot? Kruger’s enormous victory at the 1898 Transvaal presidential elections resulted in the slogan: ‘Beware of Rhodes and keep your powder dry’ … the old president was getting ready for a fight. These developments were alarming for Milner. Either there had to be reforms (more lenient requirements for foreigners to vote; the abolition of the dynamite monopoly), or war. Milner’s reading of Machiavelli’s The Prince might have moved him into wanting action, but he was warned by the Colonial Office to exercise constraint. How could he when Natal, a British colony, congratulated the President on his re–election? This infuriated Milner and with Rudyard Kipling having recently visited the Cape, the two were ad idem on the fact that no one should be nice to Kruger! Steyn reveals criticism of Milner in the affairs of South Africa at the time – Milner did not know about Kruger first–hand. He should have gone to visit Kruger himself but chose not to (p 73) until much later, almost when it was too late. At Graaff–Reinet, Milner was surprised at the support by Cape Afrikaners for the Empire – but they were also sympathetic towards the Afrikaner–republicans! His speech to the residents of the town slammed the unprogressiveness of the Transvaal. His words from his speech were as if they were precipitating war with the Transvaal. As Steyn explains, it is as if he had proclaimed that people should take sides. Sometime after he visited the Orange Free State and whilst he seemed to get on well with President Steyn, the latter was critical of Milner for not surveying the Transvaal for himself, first–hand (p 76). Kruger’s opposite, the Orange Free State president, seemed to think that Milner should have tried to ‘understand the peculiar difficulties under which President Kruger labours’ (p 76). One imagines at the forefront of all of this, is the contingency of foreigners trying as hard as possible to derive the greatest amount of economic benefit from the region’s rich mineral deposits, not excluding British businessmen. The closing pages of the chapter will give the reader a rare insight into the relationship between FitzPatrick in the Transvaal, and Milner and perhaps an understanding of why Milner thought the way he did of the Transvaal issue against his British citizens living there. Someone such as FitzPatrick as an Uitlander, was not permitted to vote even though he was a resident of the region and still had to pay taxes.
Chapter 9 explains the years 1898 and 1899. It was frustrating for Milner especially as the political landscape was erratic, which meant that a solution in South Africa was less likely. He saw the Boers as a mediaeval race oligarchy facing a modern industrial state. Meanwhile, Kitchener’s victory in Sudan just made the case for a British South Africa stronger … even though Smuts would decry any fight as being against the principles of British liberalism. Milner had meanwhile taken a holiday in Britain but had spent time getting Uitlander support inside his country. Steyn is no newcomer to J. C. Smuts. His Jan Smuts – Unafraid of Greatness (Cape Town & Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2015), makes him well positioned to comment on Smuts’ role in the whole Milner saga and South African politics of that time. One–and–a–half pages of analysis of Smuts’ role, concludes with the point that Smuts was in opposition to the policies of Chamberlain and Milner over South Africa; instead, he was to become, in the words of Steyn, ‘the leading voice for reform in the Kruger government’. His interpretation of the constitutional position of the Uitlanders gives a totally different perspective on the question, which dispels it as a leading cause of the war. He further analyses the factors of the late 1890s, particularly the roles of South Africa’s neighbours, Portugal and Germany, each with its own motives … none of which (officially in terms of foreign policy) eventually put a stop to British claims over the Transvaal which Steyn argues left the Transvaal on its own to face the British in the event of a war. Chapter 9 ends with Milner back home on holiday, although the way he went about drumming up support for his cause, through his connection with the press – and Kitchener’s capture of Omdurman – brought the two countries closer to war.
The period 1898–1899 covered in Chapter 10 entitled ‘Tensions Rise’, further discusses his active time propagating his cause in South Africa, to get the Uitlander vote in the Transvaal. However, Chamberlain was still hoping that Kruger would capitulate, and war would be averted but was proved wrong when Kruger perpetuated the dynamite monopoly. Steyn remarks however that it took a three–year war and the toppling of the Kruger government, to end the dynamite–making franchise held by the Transvaal (p 93). The chapter ends with further reference to the Uitlander question and Milner awaiting a response from Chamberlain about a communication that he had sent lamenting what he termed the ‘helot’ status of British citizens as far as the franchise was concerned (they paid taxes but could not vote).
Chapter 11 entitled ‘Bloemfontein and Beyond’ (1899) is when Kruger and Milner finally met, the only time ever. One can speculate they should have met before; even better, perhaps Milner and Smuts should have met to be better briefed. Smuts’ academic record at Cambridge one could argue was on a par with Milner’s at Oxford. One wonders how much of the saga in South Africa at the time was perhaps not more between these two personalities, than anything else. The broker for the meeting was Free State’s President Steyn, at Bloemfontein on 31 May 1899. Steyn writes that Kruger was fifteen minutes early and Milner twenty minutes late (p 98). The venue was the official residence of the President of the Orange Free State in Bloemfontein. The scene is sketched further by Steyn … Milner proceeded to his hosts, the Free State couple; Kruger had risen to his feet when Milner came to greet him. Whilst cordial, the meeting was stiff. Smuts, present, saw in Milner a dangerous man. Smuts had strong views on the Uitlander question, one of the sticky issues and factors in the fight between Milner and the Transvaal. When the biographer writes: ‘As the detail of the proceedings in Bloemfontein have been recounted in every history of the Anglo–Boer War (he surely means to say the South African War!), it is not necessary to give more than a broad outline here’. Yet the Uitlander question which Milner wanted resolved would lead to the Kruger government’s downfall, as Steyn explains: ‘If the franchise were to be extended to temporary sojourners hoping to share in the Transvaal’s mineral wealth, he believed, British numbers and capitalist interests would simply overwhelm the Boer people and put paid to their long struggle to rule themselves and be free from British domination’ (p 99). Steyn asked Kruger to make concessions; he did show a willingness to negotiate but Milner was not interested. He cabled Chamberlain to say the conference was likely to flounder over the issue of citizenship The rest of the chapter is spent explaining the unfolding of the events that would lead to war; outlining the roles of the many players, the different sections of British politics, and the different players at the Cape – either side of Milner and Kruger/Smuts.
These factors are further analysed in Chapter 12 which sketches the start of one of the dark moments in South Africa’s history: ‘Build–Up to War’, in 1899. There are two clear sides to the way Steyn presents the chapter – those who knew Kruger would never capitulate over the franchise issue (how could he, he would be out of power); and those in Britain who believed he might. Incurring huge military expenses at this time was not unknown to Britain’s treasury or war office – Sudan and India were good examples. However, with Milner having troops sent from other areas where Britain had them stationed, to South Africa (in the case of war), and with Kruger and the Free State also preparing themselves in the event of a war, whatever was decided at home, would be irrelevant. However, new proposals were made through Smuts which came very close to a total accession to British demands for Uitlander citizenship, but Milner remained suspicious and resisted the overture (p 110). The Colonial Office in Britain was eager to accept the new Kruger proposals if they were genuine, in return, Kruger’s government demanded certain conditions which would safeguard its position. The so–called manoeuvring however started to irritate Chamberlain who was however still hoping for no war at all costs. What Britain was seeking as part of its world policy was some voice in the affairs of the Transvaal, and the Kruger factor would not disappear. Thus, each side was riding on the horns of its own moral dilemma. Chamberlain made a speech in Birmingham on 26 August 1899 berating Kruger for his tactics (it would have been worthwhile here to learn more about how Smuts came up with the so–called ‘reforms like water from a squeezed sponge …’). After all, Smuts was highly qualified in Law which he read at Cambridge in the late 1880s achieving the highest marks ever registered by a student sitting for those exams.
Whilst on the one hand there is this obsession with including the Transvaal in a British imperialist federation; on the other hand, the first half of 1899 had produced unprecedented profits from the mining industry … offset by uncertainty due to the stand–off between Kruger and Milner. This meant the mine owners started showing more interest in the proceedings, most of them believing Kruger would capitulate … even Rhodes thought that. Perhaps they could solve it all by having another conference? Then Kruger retracted his latest softer proposals; so, more troops were to be sent to South Africa. Then came the ‘pen–ultimatum’ to Kruger, a five–year franchise for Uitlanders with no pre–conditions. Chamberlain informed that a final notice would arrive by sea (which played for time … and troops could be sent in that time). Meanwhile, Smuts drew up a plan to send troops to Natal in anticipation of the arrival of another 10 000 British troops in Natal. From 28 September 1899 the Transvaal called up its commandos, Steyn followed suit on 2 October. On 3 October British troops started arriving in Durban, sent to the Transvaal border from the Natal side. On 9 October the Transvaal issued an ultimatum that the British withdraw its troops from the border or else there would be war (a declaration of war). Britain was finalising its ultimatum but when Chamberlain saw Kruger’s ultimatum, that was it. The British no longer had to tell their citizens that they would go to war as the perfect pretext had been created by Kruger’s actions. On 12 October 1899, Boer forces crossed over into British territory, Natal and the Cape. Milner had got his way … although, as he knew, a tough time lay before them.
Chapter 13 discusses strategic blunders. The prospect of war and war itself between Britain and the Transvaal caused a different kind of ‘great trek’ as hundreds of thousands of residents from the north came to Cape Town to a seemingly safe space. As this was happening Boer commandos ranged against incoming British forces from Natal … Talana Hill, Elandslaagte, all wrong strategies according to Smuts, who advised the Boers should head first to the coast. Instead, they got stuck garrisoning Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafikeng. As Steyn suggests, the Boers anticipated the British would sue for peace after being surrounded – like at Majuba (p 118). What subsequently happened is that the British could introduce their forces more and more and in large numbers, with the Boers occupied (stuck) inland. As Steyn sketches the situation – Kruger had a mistrust of the Uitlanders as Milner had of the Colony’s white inhabitants (p 119). Split allegiance was a theme of the war because many families from the Cape had relatives living in the Transvaal. Martial Law was introduced to force Cape Colonist loyalty to Britain and any action against it could result in death by hanging. This made the Cape Boers change their allegiance to the Republics. Rebellion by Afrikaners in the Cape Colony remained a source of concern to Milner, as did a string of defeats at the hands of the Boers in November and December of 1899 (Black Week). He always thought however Britain would emerge victorious (p 122). Amidst all of this strife, Steyn includes an interlude discussing the visits to Cape Town of prominent women: ‘what could be a more worthy social endeavour for a young woman seeking excitement than a voyage to the fairest Cape to assist the war effort?’ (p 123). After the disastrous Buller had left, so arrived Lords Roberts and Kitchener. There was to be a turnaround of events, but not until the humiliating defeat of the British at the Battle of Colenso and then Spioenkop, where Botha had led his men to victory, and present there, were Churchill and Gandhi. Meanwhile, back home in Britain, pro–Boer liberals were calling for Milner’s head (p126). We see here how it is William T Stead that most influential of British journalists who would contribute to British sentiment against the war (Britain’s Vietnam!).
It was not long before the tide turned against the Boers, still in with a fight … but one that could not lead to victory due to numbers. This is the title of Chapter 14, "Numbers Count", it contains descriptions of the new military tactics Roberts and Kitchener adopted compared to the slow–moving infantry battalions under Buller. Steyn’s research explains the war and how the British forces liberated the towns along the way, (and Rhodes), as they approached Bloemfontein. Possibly the trophy for the British was Paardeberg, where Cronjé was captured on 27 February 1900, the same day the British had capitulated to the Boers at Majuba Hill in 1881. The shoe now was on the other foot. Whilst the news of the turnaround was music to Milner’s ears, his concern remained the threat of an Afrikaner rebellion, for which he was proved to be correct. His fears were not shared by the military generals, who were not going to leave troops behind to mop up agitation by the Boers in some of the Cape towns such as De Aar and Prieska; Milner called this incompetence. The decisions of the generals cost Milner as the rebellion became a much bigger issue than they had ever thought (except Milner).
Kruger and his colleague Steyn appealed for peace; Britain would not restore their independence as they had violated the right of British citizens to vote. The British were hoping for a quick end to the war, and one flag, one citizenship, that is what the fight was about (and for economic reasons). Travelling through the Cape Colony, Milner saw the extent to which treason was rife (rebellion). By now the British garrison in South Africa stood at 170 000 and was growing whilst the Boer commandoes stood at 30 000 and was shrinking. It was on 28 May 1900 that the Orange Free State lost its name to become the Orange River Colony, thus a suzerain state of Britain. The question of loyalty in South Africa at that time affected the country very significantly even to the extent that Schreiner had to resign (June 1900) because of the continued hostilities rather than negotiation. C Louis Leipoldt’s Stormwrack the middle of his The Valley trilogy sketches the situation where inhabitants in the Cape had to choose their allegiances … leading to great tragedy in towns such as Swellendam and Clanwilliam where rebels who were caught were shot by firing squad for their actions. It would not be long before the next step to the creation of Milner’s empire, the capture of the Boer capital, Pretoria, would result. It capitulated to the British on 5 June 1900. Milner and British officials were ready to assume the administration of the two former republics, little did they know what lay ahead (Chapter 15).
The whole question of the way the Boers fought a guerrilla war is covered in Deneys Reitz’s Commando, an account of his experiences during the South African War specifically the period from 1901 when the next front of the war opened. Steyn refers to the scorched earth policy which led to great areas of destruction of the countryside where Boers farmed, which he does on p 142. He was in favour of ‘discriminating destruction’ as a ‘deterrent and punishment’ but ‘did not approve of the indiscriminate burning of all homes in a particular district simply to make it untenable for the enemy’ (Kitchener). He believed that this indiscriminate destruction would eventually affect the country’s economy. In this section, Steyn explains the condition of Rhodes, who was now ill, and Kruger who went into exile. Basically, two major players in the saga were now no longer effectively present in the debacle. Back at home, the Unionist government of Salisbury was elected back into power, but the cracks would show later, from the Liberals, sympathetic to the Boer cause. Meanwhile, Roberts whose son had fallen at Colenso, went home having said the war was over … not knowing about the devastation that would set in from Kitchener’s scorched earth tactics.
Chapter 16 discusses the guerrilla war of 1901 – 1902 also known as ‘Scorched Earth’, due to the strategy that the British followed. As already stated, the chance of an Afrikaner uprising with the commandoes from the Free State coming into the North East Cape was always something that bothered Milner (a second rebellion) … which meant the proclamation of martial law gave someone such as Kitchener absolute power as in his system of blockhouses and scorched earth policy, and the terrible concentration camps. This just deepened the Boers’ resolve to fight on. On p 153 we see from Steyn’s writing how the issue of the fighting might have come to an end … except that the civil servant who had never been in battle, would not hear of it (referring to Milner). He saw it as a war of attrition when the Boers’ fighting would eventually die out. Chapter 17 entitled ‘Miracles are expected of me’, on p 157, reverts to a theme discussed before, the duality in Milner … on the one hand a charming person on the other, his unswerving single–mindedness. It was on a return visit to the home country, with the title of Baron conferred on him by King Edward VII, that he was met with a hero’s welcome... Some thought he had gone to England because they had recalled him due to his difference of view with Kitchener. He was reminded of his duties in South Africa: to create a unified country (of English and Afrikaans speakers), and to bring the country into a federation, prosperous and loyal as was the case with Canada and Australia (p 157). Never mind the local inhabitants! Descriptions of the man such as by The Times of Natal were as a kind person … kind to who? Certainly not to the majority of South Africans. Here was a man, not just on, but also with a mission! He tried to counter Kitchener’s barbaric plans of ‘total destruction’ of the countryside in his scorched earth policy, by using the constabulary to occupy the so–called protected districts around the towns garrisoned by British troops. This would allow property owners to return to their homes and farms and would get farming activity and the economy up and running.
Further honour was bestowed on Milner in London, as a Privy Councillor and therefore eligible for a seat in the House of Lords, and given the Freedom of the City of London. Yet the division in British society grew wider; the Liberal Party saw the war driven by profiteering businessmen rather than by the so–called noble cause of Pax Britannica. Voices from South Africa called for Milner not to be allowed to continue with his programme of reconstruction (building up the country after the war, as British subjects); they also questioned the British politicians as to why, if the war was over, was the barbarism continuing (the concentration camps)? The Unionists began having their idea that all was fine in South Africa, shattered. There were conciliatory views towards the Boers from none other than Churchill who had experienced the war first–hand; as opposed to Milner wanting no leniency shown to the Boers (p 160). More news of the barbarous acts against the civilian population started getting back to the British nation. This was Kitchener’s doing, who was given instructions to end the war and for this employed these barbaric means.
It was time to return to South Africa and take over from the gung–ho Kitchener who was deputising for him (Chapter 18). Milner arrived in Cape Town on 27 August 1901, soon to fall out with Kitchener. Kitchener’s reasoning to apply such harsh means was to end the war lest it drag on (as stated above). This against Milner’s constant plea to get the economy going. For instance, in the mining industry, less than 10% of the workforce operated. The fact that the British had 200 000 troops and 300 guns to face 10 000 Boers with no guns, just showed how out of kilter the whole operation was. On top of it all, was the inhumane issue of the concentration camps which greatly harmed the British government’s image. As Steyn explains the war became more of an issue between Kitchener and Milner than the Boers fighting the Brits, although such a statement is more anecdotal than true as soldiers fight wars, not generals or civil servants. Hundreds of thousands of Boer families were displaced, impoverished, and subject to one of the greatest moments of utter inhumanness in the world. The only way out of it was peace (Chapter 19). How this was to be achieved given the fact that the Boers were engaged in guerrilla warfare against the British, would need to be determined. The problem was exacerbated by so–called volunteers going over to the British side. Peace eventually came with the signing of the treaty on 31 May 1902. `The vote for it was overwhelming, 54 to 6 (three Transvalers and three Free Staters against). With this treaty, South Africans became British subjects. Milner got yet another award; he was now called Viscount of the United Kingdom. This, amidst the terrible suffering and deaths of 100 000s of South Africans. Kitchener too was promoted, to the rank of full general and also made a Viscount. Ironically, he purchased gold shares with the ex gratia payment that accompanied his promotion.
In Chapter 20 entitled ‘Going North’ (the years 1902–3), Steyn explains the lengths Milner was to go to, to get his way for his policies of imperialism, placing South Africa under British authority even if the Cape’s 1872 constitution had to be violated – and have it run along the lines of a British suzerainty over the two republics. This was a setback for Milner now quite worn out from the deliberations over the years of the war. However, he still had reconstruction lying ahead, and became Governor of the Transvaal (1902) followed by Governor of the Orange River Colony as well (1902). With him in the seat he could start making these former Boer republics attractive to British settlers, who would be able to participate in the economic recovery of these regions … and so pursue his policies. There were many challenges, getting the mines going, the farms as well and bringing back the prisoners of war. The ravaged country proved a lot costlier to reconstruct (ten times) than ever imagined (damages, grants, resettlement loans and loans to rebuild the whole country) (p 191). There lies a huge irony in the fact that the returning Uitlanders expected to be favoured now that Milner was there (their position, over which the war had been fought), but nothing could have been further from the truth – he was just too autocratic and controlling, and had other priorities … for instance, the essential move to get draught animals for agriculture. On top of it all, the Colonial Secretary, Chamberlain himself, was scheduled to pay a visit to South Africa (Chapter 21). His propaganda was that the British Empire had been strengthened as a result of the war (how?). His further words of rhetoric were the union and conciliation of the English speakers and the Boers (an idealistic thought). The Treaty of Vereeniging which had stipulated the terms of the peace needed to be applied and not extra demands like those made by Smuts. He found the British Colonial Secretary to have been insulting for what he was prepared to offer the Boers: ‘drop your language and become English’. A lot to expect after the ravages of war!
Chapter 22 entitled ‘Reconstruction’ (1903) shows how Chamberlain had to tread wearily in the land–mine–infested Cape Colony amid Afrikaner rebels, the Bond (Afrikaner) whom he favoured, and the Progressives (English); by now Rhodes had died. Chamberlain had worked hard on his South African tour; visiting 29 towns and making 64 speeches! However, his work was seen back home as a revival of his prime ministerial ambitions (p 200), a professional politician of the first order, ‘set on a course that would polarise British politics for the second time in his career.’ He had left South Africa with a polarised nation from the war, with the Progressives against the Afrikaner Bond and with the South African Party under John X. Merriman unhappy, thus with a three–way contest in any forthcoming elections. This, in the midst of a post–war economic depression in South Africa. Added to it were the rising racial issues, the native franchise and political inequality. The very unfortunate Lagden Commission which was established in 1903 to ‘arrive at a common understanding of native policy in the four colonies’, was initiated by Milner to prepare for a South African federation of the four areas. The idea was to create so–called native reserves in the African ancestral areas in order to make administration easier. Lagden argued that the tribal chiefs were in effect transferring their sovereign rights which included the powers of administration over communal lands to the British Crown through a process of ‘peaceful annexation’ (p 207). In turn, it was argued that the Crown had a duty to administer the native reserves in accordance with the tribal way of governance (p 207). The proposals by Lagden were implemented in 1906 and moved away from the British declared mission to ‘civilise’ its colonies, in favour of re–tribalising the black proletariat. These measures were to lead directly to legislation later on known as the Land Act, to the Herzog Bills, and eventually to the blueprint for apartheid under Verwoerd when he was the Minister of Native Affairs in the early 1950s. Verwoerdian ideology, therefore, lies embedded in earlier moves to create an apartheid state, that had its origin directly as a result of Milner and Lagden.
Chapter 23 describes Milner taking a holiday in Britain; and getting the news that his boss Chamberlain had resigned. Milner was earmarked as his successor but declined, a bold decision, but he wanted to stay and finish his work in South Africa. He took the time whilst he was overseas to visit his parents in Germany. He soon was back on South African soil where he seemed to love residing in the plush suburb of Parktown North and visiting his club (the Wanderers Club). Much controversy was to follow over his administration such as the question of introducing indentured labour (from China and India) which would have far–reaching results for the British government. This issue is the subject of Chapter 24 entitled ‘The Chinese’ (1904). In the next two years the economy of the country started recovering gradually and black mineworkers began returning to work because of higher wages (p 218). The Chinese labour question however was starting to become a divisive issue between the Liberals in Britain and the Unionists (also in South Africa). Milner had been clear that the importation of labour from outside South Africa was to promote economic recovery. He was now concentrating on the Transvaal, to give them self–government. He also furthered the anglicization of the former republic that straddled all walks of society, educational as well as ecclesiastical. Reading about these projects in Chapter 25 reveals the ‘Successes and Failures’ for the period 1904 – 1905. One project was the establishment of schools such as King Edward VII School in Johannesburg, as well as Jeppe Boys High and Potchefstroom Boys’. The idea was to bring in English teachers as part of the policy of anglicisation.
Chapter 26 explains Milner going home in 1905, but remaining concerned about the empire and fearful that his work in South Africa would be worthless (p 233). He was subsequently replaced by Lord Selborne. There were all the goodbyes, Milner was 51 years old at the time; he was looking forward to exiting political administration, to be released from ‘this dungeon’ (p 241). Before arriving on British soil, he sojourned in Italy on his Grand Tour. He did in fact return to South Africa, once more, twenty years later and in the interim, kept up correspondence with those whom he had met in South Africa, not least J. C. Smuts, with whom he was to work during the First World War.
Chapter 27 explains the so–called ‘Kindergarten’ which covers the period 1905 – 1909. There are well–known names in South African history, such as Richard Feetham, Lionel Curtis, Patrick Duncan and the renowned architect Herbert Baker. Milner’s plan was to populate the Transvaal with British immigrants, with the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony under the British flag and some future imperial federation (it did not end up that way as a Union was proclaimed instead). A change of government (see below) in Britain scuppered Milner’s plans, as Smuts and his party, Het Volk, were pressing for self–rule …with the responsible government for both the former Boer republics. One wonders how South African history would have turned out if this had not happened. Chapter 28 (1905 – 1907) describes how Milner’s policies of Chinese labour turned around the politics in Britain, giving the Liberals a victory because of their opposition to the treatment of Chinese labour in South Africa. Basically, the new Prime Minister Henry Campbell–Bannerman was utterly appalled at what Milner had attempted to do in South Africa and the way he had treated the Boers (p 257). Campbell–Bannerman thought that the sooner one could give the Boers self–government, the sooner they would become citizens of a liberal empire. Did he really believe this so soon after the tragedy of the Boer War and the harsh treatment of the women and children in the concentration camps; and the way rebels were treated and impoverished? Agreed, the Botha and Smuts government from 1910 might have followed a more conciliatory approach but in the following decade the first signs of race absolutism emerged under the so–called Hertzog Bills. Meanwhile, Milner resorted to a life out of politics, living in the house he was to have for the rest of his life, Sturry Court in Kent. The former republics were given self–government in 1907, something Milner had worked against. The Afrikaners were back in control. The British tide had turned, with the British government ‘throwing their whole weight into the scale in favour of the Boers …’ (p 263). Milner continued his friendship with Violet Cecil and Rudyard Kipling … and amidst it all, still felt personally responsible for organising many British people to take up residence in South Africa.
Back in Britain, Milner took up freelancing (political journalism), in the period 1907 – 1910 (Chapter 29) emphasizing that due to his experience, and as a loyal imperialist, he was well positioned to be involved in the British politics of the time. Fears that Milner might get involved in politics were dispelled by the fact that he had taken up this freelancing. However, he was not looking for political power – some might argue that he was not really seeking to become a political heavyweight, but rather, enjoying the shielded life of a civil servant. His visit to Canada saw him propagate the value of empire … almost as if he was making up for his failed attempt to do so in South Africa. With his strong views against the increase in taxes in Britain which was the hot topic there in the latter half of the first decade of the 1900s, the question of the union of the four ‘provinces’ in South Africa was underway leading to this becoming a reality in 1910; at the same time the so–called ‘Irish Troubles’ (Chapter 30, p 274), started. The Irish nationalists wanted their own parliament (in Dublin), whilst the Protestants (scared of the Catholics at home and with close ties to the British gentry), were not keen for that to happen. In the northeast where the Protestants far outnumbered the Catholics, they wanted to keep their ties with London. Just like he was against independence for the South African republics, Milner was against independence for Ireland as it would mean yet another potential area for the empire breaking away, thus further scuppering his life’s ambition, the unification of British possessions under one roof (federation of states). That is why he was for tariff reform rather than increased taxes, to bind Ireland to the United Kingdom with some form of autonomy. Several of his connections in politics tried to bring him into the fray but he still wanted to paddle his own canoe as he had once declared although this still meant working towards the empire. The Irish issue was now corresponding with another massive debacle, the advent of WWI and the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand.
Chapter 31 deals with the first two years of the Great War (WWI), and we see a Milner without any formal party affiliation, but not for the war effort. The chapter explains Britain’s early start in the war and gradually how Milner’s advice for conscription is taken up, to him clearly a without–which situation if Britain was to win the war. He now was working with ministerial committees responsible for the distribution of coal supplies to the Allied nations. A visit to the Western Front provided him with convincing evidence that Britain would not win the war (after defeats at battle sites like the Somme) unless air power became the decisive factor in the whole war effort (p 290). An amazing turn of events in British politics suddenly saw Milner rise to great prominence (1916) with his appointment to Lloyd George’s War Cabinet. He was now 63. This is the topic of Chapter 32, an important period in Milner’s life (1916 – 1918). Milner at that stage had great respect for Lloyd George and the feeling was mutual. Milner was soon to be able to analyse situations, yet he was not a politician, nor was he a military man. He seemed to have that property that one needed for then … a good sense of judgment. Milner was instrumental in the formation of the Imperial War Cabinet with Smuts the sixth member of Britain’s War Cabinet (a massive accolade, no doubt!). Previously on the opposite sides when Milner was in South Africa, now there was Smuts calling his former opponent ‘Oom Alfred’. It is as if the two minds, Oxford and Cambridge graduates, had finally met. What a strange irony. However, there must have been something between them for Milner to persuade Lloyd–George to make Smuts exactly that, the sixth member of Britain’s War Cabinet (p 295).
An interesting period in Milner’s life must have been his mission to Russia just prior to the outbreak of the 1917 Revolution. Writing eight years after Milner’s death, in his War Memoirs, Lloyd George described Milner ‘by training and temperament, a bureaucrat’ … knowing ‘nothing of the populace that trod the streets outside the bureau’ (p 298). Lloyd George continues: (as for the rest of the mission to Russia), ‘having regard to the warnings which were blaring at them from every direction, it is incomprehensible that they should have been so deaf and blind. It is one more proof of the way in which the most intelligent human judgement has always been misled by the tapestries of an established order without paying sufficient regard to the conditions of the walls they hide and on which they hang.’ Is the biographer protecting his subject when he suggests: ‘Such scathing judgements, never uttered at the time, are always much easier in hindsight’? Perhaps it was the huge amount of responsibility that Milner was given in the war effort that makes Steyn disappointed at Lloyd George’s remarks – Milner had overall charge over ship–building, and the convoy system, and bringing Edward Carson the leader of the Irish Unionist Party onto the War Cabinet and taking charge of the Royal Navy. Furthermore, Milner persuaded the War Cabinet to appoint a four–person war policy committee to override the military if necessary (Milner had little faith in General Haig), which included South Africa’s, General Smuts. It was through this committee that General Foch was appointed Supreme Allied Commander on the Western Front which according to Steyn was a far–reaching decision for the events that were to follow. This was a vital time (1917) as the Germans were capable of advancing – by 1918, the Germans were advancing through the British line near the Belgian border. Milner’s clear head and vision resulted in him getting to be appointed Secretary of State for War, the second most important post after Lloyd George himself (p 300). Steyn explains Milner’s position in 1918 conferring with the French and mediating among the fractious generals, then gradually the Germans began suffering followed by the armistice on 11 November 1918.
The book ends by describing the soured relationship between Lloyd George and Milner (over several issues such as the army’s slow release of miners from army service, hard to believe after such sterling service in the war effort). Obviously, Lloyd George had his next election (December 1918, with women over the age of 30 being able to vote for the first time) to consider (votes! – such is politics) … and there was this new Bolshevik radicalism that was surfacing (which was commented on earlier, by the way, Lloyd George was surprised Milner did not see it coming). Milner had a new position, that of Secretary of State for the Colonies (turned down fifteen years earlier). Milner was not altogether in favour of the harsh ‘Diktat’ placed on Germany; he played a significant role at Versailles notwithstanding. Here he saw a lot of Smuts and Botha, whom he knew from his time in South Africa. His new position demanded long stretches away from home, as in Egypt, where he had been before. It was, however, time to retire (Chapter 34), and he and his new wife Lady Cecil whom he married on 26 February 1921 would enjoy their time together. They travelled to the Middle East together in April 1922, returning via Paris to see Clemenceau. He continued writing as he had always loved to do; in 1924 he turned 70 in his countryside house with his wife fending off newspaper reporters. He returned to South Africa in 1924, touring many parts of the country (turning down an offer to become the chairman of De Beers!). He was home for his 71st birthday and many honorary awards were bestowed on him from all quarters, including being elected Chancellor of Oxford University in 1925. He died peacefully on 13 May 1925. He always wanted to be known as a citizen of the Empire. As we have heard several times now, he was a self–confessed race patriot (p322). Steyn’s summing up in Chapter 32 lets the reader see what is said and lets us see what she/he makes of it. It ends with the words of Shakespeare, from Julius Caesar: ‘The evil that men do lives after them; the good is oft interred with their bones’. Chapter 33 is the Afterword sharing ideas, and explaining that Violet (previously married to Lord Cecil) his wife outlived him for 33 years. Her legacy was to leave behind the Violet Milner Papers covering a rich history of that time which can be found in a ‘Milner Room’, New College, Oxford. It contains material relating to 19th and 20th century British and Imperial history, in particular the Boer War which makes it an important repository for students of that period of history who wish to research the past. After the "Afterword" are the "Acknowledgements" (p 339). Steyn explains there, the logic for the Milner text, almost as the final in a trilogy of Botha, Smuts and Milner. As Steyn explains, it was not easy penning this book at a torrid time in the History of our Country, COVID–19, in 2020. Herein lies the bitterest of ironies. This book on Milner, an equally torrid time in the history of our country.
There is that truism that we must remember the past or be condemned to repeat it. However, in the words of David Reiff, the non–fiction American political analyst, "But there are times when some things are best forgotten."
If it had not been Milner in South Africa at that time, it would probably have been someone similar, another bureaucrat implementing policies of empire. He was the product of a system of economic exploitation and racial discrimination the effects of which a century and more later, are still with us.
[1] In Journal of Perpetrator Research, 2.2 (2019).
Also read:
Book review: Emily Hobhouse – Beloved Traitor by Elsabé Brits
The post <em>Milner – last of the empire-builders</em> by Richard Steyn: a book review appeared first on LitNet.
Oggendvers
Foto: Canva
voor die dagbreekhaan kraai
wil ek iets vir jou skryf
want ek moet ’n wens vir jou los
by die suiderkruis se laagste punt
net ’n paar woorde
terwyl die maan
nog in jou arms slaap
voor die klam oggend
jou wakker maak
met haar deurskynende asem
en die vrese van gister
jou naam afstof
wil ek hê jy moet altyd onthou
dat skrywers nooit doof raak nie
en dat elke bang klank
se ellips jou altyd sal oopvou
naby sterre met helder lig
The post Oggendvers appeared first on LitNet.
Droomvanger
Foto: Canva
Sy kan die ritssluiter van die tent nie betyds oopruk nie en braak net daar op die grondseil. Tussen die geroeste welsynblikkieskos met voorverlede jaar se vervaldatum op.
“Kind, los die hond en kom help my skoonmaak.”
Die kind kyk nie op nie. Is hy wragtig besig om afgekoude beentjies wat by die
straatbrak se pens uitsteek, uit te trek?
“Maak Ma se eie kots skoon,” reageer hy. “Ek moet die hond help; hy het niemand nie.”
Net daar, tussen die braaksel, stof en hondebloed, gaan sit sy op die matras met die urienkolle. Kop tussen die bene. Die Here moet haar help. En vinnig ook. Hoe het dit gebeur dat sy en die kind hier beland het? Hier in Kamp Daisy, waar alles behalwe blomme groei?
Die hond tjank. Lek die kind se hand.
“Ma, die hond moet by ’n vet uitkom,” sê die kind en steek sy hand onder die matras in.
“Los ons rent-geld uit.”
“Fok die rent, Ma, vir wat moet ons rent betaal? Dis staatsgrond. Kosie-hulle maak verniet of die kamp hulle s’n is.”
Die braaksel brand haar keel. Skroei haar brein. “Dis reg, vat die fokken geld. Loop mors dit op ’n brak wat anyway beyond repair is. Laat Kosie maar weer my lip kom dik bliksem. Solank jy net ’n brak kan red wat stupid genoeg is om ’n spul oorskietbene te vreet, maak dit tog nie ’n moer saak wat met jou ma gebeur nie.”
“Honger genoeg, Ma. Nie stupid nie.” Die kind vat die laaste bietjie geld onder die matras en stap met die hond in sy arms by die tent uit.
“Here, wat het van my geword? Hoe het dinge so skeefgeloop?”
“Jy weet goed.”
Sy druk haar hand teen haar bors. Dit voel asof die droomvanger gloei. Wat het die man nou weer gesê toe hy dit voorverlede week vir haar gegee het, nadat sy haar lyf vir ’n boksie sigarette verruil het? En praat die Here sowaar nou met haar? Soos destyds met Moses in die braambos?
Sy temper haar taalgebruik. Die Here is en bly die Here.
Die droomvanger voel warm onder haar vingers. Soos haar passie vir die kind se pa – ’n ander twaalf jaar gelede. “Ja, ek weet. Ek het my met ’n paar Black Labels tot in die ander tyd in laat verlei en nou sit ek met die gemors.”
“Watse gemors?”
Haar vingers brand. “’n Kind wat net wil pap vree... eet en elke afvlerk versorg terwyl hy nie eens homself kan versorg nie.”
“So dis verkeerd dat jou kind met ’n hart vol empatie geseën is? En dis sý plig om na homsélf om te sien?”
Vlamme lek aan haar hart. “Natuurlik nie! Dis mý plig om na my kind om te sien. Maar ek kan nie, want die fokken man het my net so laat staan! Gesê die kind is nie syne nie.”
“Het jy aangedring op vaderskaptoetse?”
Die vlamme kruip na haar brein. “Vir wat moet ék dit bewys? Ek weet wat gebeur het! Buitendien, sy ou vrek van ’n ma het geld. Hulle sou my vir brekfis opgevreet het in die hof.”
“Ma, wat máák jy?”
’n Brandpyn skiet deur haar arm toe die kind haar hardhandig aan die arm ruk.
“Los my, ek praat met die Here.”
“Fok tog, Ma! Wil Ma die tent afbrand?”
Stadig maak sy haar vingers oop. Die boksie vuurhoutjies glip uit haar hand en val tussen die braaksel en die blikkies. Die droomvanger – verskrompelde repies as. Net die draadraamwerk het behoue gebly. Dis dan dit. Die Vader het nie regtig met haar gepraat nie. Daarvoor is sy te waardeloos. Te stukkend.
“Wat sê die veearts?” vra sy heelwat later toe sy langs die kind op die matras inskuif.
“Hy het die hond uitgesit. Hy’t te seer gekry. Buitendien brandsiek gehad.” Die kind se stem voel leeg. “Hy’t gesê dis reg, ek hoef nie te betaal nie. Ek het die geld teruggesit onder die matras.”
Sy wil haar ore toedruk. Die doodsheid van die kampbestaan is duidelik hoorbaar in haar kind se stem. “Ek is jammer oor die hond – oor alles. Ek weet jy wou net help.”
Die kind se lyf ruk.
“Jy vloek darem maar lelik vir ’n kind van jou ouderdom.” Waarom sy nou juis hierdie onderwerp ophaal, weet sy nie. Sy weet dis onbillik om die kind te verwyt omdat hy nie ’n regte kind is nie – dis immers nie sy skuld nie.
Die kind draai sy rug op haar en ’n paar minute later hoor sy aan sy asemhaling dat hy slaap.
“Ek weet Ma het van die droomvanger gehou. Hier is goed waarmee Ma dit kan regmaak.” Die kind hou ’n sakkie uit en toe sy daarin kyk, sien sy stukkies wol, krale, linte en ander versiersels.
Sy kyk weg. Wat het sy gedoen om steeds die kind se liefde te verdien? “Waar kry jy die goed?”
“Ek het ou Kosie se vrou gehelp water aandra, toe gee sy dit vir my.”
“Jy moenie met daardie mense meng nie.” Sy voel skuldig toe die lag uit die kind se oë verdwyn. “Jy is naïef – soos ek lank gelede was. Dit gaan jou nog in die gat kom hap.”
Die kind loop uit. Praat oor sy skouer: “Ou Kosie se vrou kan net so min vir sy dinge help as ek vir Ma s’n.”
Lank nadat die kind weg is, krap sy in die ou gereedskapkissie wat sy by die vullishoop opgetel het. Kom op ’n geroeste tang af. Gewapen met die tang, die verinneweerde droomvanger en die sakkie wat die kind vir haar gegee het, stap sy na die rivier.
Naaldekokers dans om die leë blik wat in die water dryf. In die verte roep ’n piet-my-vrou. Al bly hulle in ’n kamp, is daar darem iets moois naby hulle. Die rivier.
“Jy maak nie reg met die kind nie.” Weer hoor sy die stem van die vorige aand.
Sy knik. “Ek weet.”
“Kinders kan nie gestraf word vir die sondes van hul vaders – of moeders – nie.”
Sy byt op haar onderlip. Haal ’n kort blou lint uit die sakkie. Blou soos die hemel wat daardie dag, toe die man haar net so gelos het, stuk-stuk op haar neergewetter het.
“Jy weet die man het jou bloot misbruik? Hy sou jou in elk geval gelos het, of die kind daar was of nie.”
As dit die Vader is wat met haar praat, waarom die seermaakwoorde? Die Almagtige is tog veronderstel om genadig te wees? Jou dor hart met trooswater nat te giet?
Sy ryg ’n geel lintjie uit die binnegoed van die sakkie. Geel soos die son daardie dag toe sy haar eerste werk by die pizzarestaurant gekry het. Die droom om na haar eie woonstel te trek – weg van haar ma en pa en die suur wynbottels – was binne bereik. Twee maande se tips sou genoeg wees vir ’n deposito.
“Die goed wat jy onthou, gister se drome, dis nog nie te laat nie, weet jy – as jy één maal uit jou omstandighede kon wegkom, kan jy dit weer doen.”
Stof spat in haar oë toe sy na ’n graspol skop. “Wat het dit my in die sak gebring? Skaars drie maande, toe donner ek my nuwe lewe op.”
“Jy het ’n fout gemaak – enige mens kan. Dis wat jy daarná doen wat saak maak.”
“As die pizzaplek my nie gefire het oor ek preggies was nie, sou dinge anders verloop het.”
“Hou op! Hou op om ander te blameer. Ja, jou lot is met ander verbind, maar soms moet jy daardie band afsny en jou eie paadjie vind.”
Sy diep nog ’n lint uit die sakkie en ryg ’n kraal daarin vas. Haar oë swem en sy kan die kleure nie sien nie. Dis waar; die pizzaplek was nie die enigste plek wat vir haar ’n werk sou gee nie – maar sy was jonk en bang en verward. Met niemand om by raad te vra nie. Allermins haar pa en ma met hul ewige gesuipery.
“En wat doen jy nou aan jou kind? Is jy ’n beter ouer vir hom as joune vir jou?”
Sy ruk die graspol met haar kaal tone uit die grond. “Ek drink nie.”
“Toegegee, maar wat is selfbejammering anders as ’n doofmiddel?”
Die droomvanger klingel toe sy dit teen ’n klip vassmyt. “Ek probeer darem ’n tuiste skep vir die kind.”
“Ha! ’n Tent vol ou kots.”
Die droomvanger voel koud toe sy dit optel en ’n swart kraal daaraan vasknoop. Die stem praat die waarheid. Sy het haarself – en haar kind – gefaal.
“Liewe Vader, wat moet ek doen om dít wat ek verbrou het reg te stel?”
Die kind steek by die tent se opening vas. Fluit deur sy tande. “Sjoe, Ma! Wat het hier gebeur?”
Trots beduie sy vir hom om aan te sit by die tafel wat sy van ou kratte geprakseer het. “Ek het ou Kosie se vrou gehelp om haar huis skoon te maak – in ruil vir groente uit hul tuin. Môre gaan sy my help om ’n bietjie te tof sodat ek werk kan soek. In ruil daarvoor gaan ek, sodra ek op my voete is, háár help om van ou Kosie af weg te kom. Ons ballingskap is verby, my kind.”
Daar is ’n knop in haar keel toe sy die genot op haar seun se gesig sien terwyl hy aan die feesmaal van swaarverdiende groente en welsynblikkieskos smul.
In haar gedagtes hoor sy die worshond se weentjank en sy bedank hom stilweg dat hy die eerste spoortjie van haar en haar seun se nuwe lewe help vind het.
Sy verbeel haar die droomvanger wat sy bo die matras vasgemaak het, knipoog toe sy sê: “Seun, van vandag af is ek en jy nie meer niemand nie. Ons is Nickie en Jan-Frederik Bothma van Kamp Daisy. Ons is mense. Ons het ’n toekoms, want die Vader is vir ons net so lief soos vir daardie hondjie wat daardie vet gister moes offer. Maar anders as daardie hondjie kry ons ’n nuwe kans.”
The post Droomvanger appeared first on LitNet.
Vir die muse
Foto: Canva
My kas is deurmekaar
Briewe en poskaarte lê ongeskryf
Ek wil see toe gaan
En leer hoe om te swem
Na die waarheid toe
Na my drome toe
Na die uiteinde toe
Agter erfenis aan
In my dop
Is woorde en whiskey
En al die goed waarmee ek nie deal nie
Sonder grens
Werk ek aan gedigte
Wat nooit sonder spelfoute is nie
Nege maande
Word veertien jaar
Word ’n leeftyd
Word goud
Ons praat niks
Oor my deurmekaar kas
Waar ou briewe lê
Om vergeet te word nie
Ek staan voor die poskantoor en die kerk
En praat nie
Soos ’n radiostasie nie
My gebede en briewe hou ek in my hart
Tot die koeie huis toe kom
Tot my hare weer groei
En my bril my weer laat sien
Soos my hart see toe klop
Bly my oë op die ink wat uitloop
Ek skryf en skryf
Tot die engele my kom haal
Tot my spelfoute regkom
Skryf ek vir die muse
The post Vir die muse appeared first on LitNet.
Skokkende nuus
Foto: Canva
Wanhopenhartig
het dit begin toe
sy die hek oopmaak
in die breë wandelstraat
haar briewebussie lig
en lees met oë strak gerig
blou op ongelynde wit
staan in ’n brief jy het gesterf
deur elektrokusie
vasgebind in ’n rukstoel
wonde wrang smaak skroeiend
skets skuim wat uit
jou mondhoeke woel
nou sit sy as weduwee
met aspotskerwe
diewe brand haar kerse
en só word haar lewe
’n Egiptiese duisternis
The post Skokkende Nuus appeared first on LitNet.
Skrywer: Chris Carter
Titel: Genesis
Uitgewer: Simon & Schuster
ISBN: 978-1-4711-9757-4
Hierdie lesersindruk is uit eie beweging deur die skrywer daarvan aan LitNet gestuur.
Voordat jy Chris Carter se nuutste boek Genesis oopmaak, gaan sluit jou voordeur en maak seker al die vensters is op knip. Want die vrees klim uit die bladsye van sy boek en sluip saam met jou onder die komberse in.
Ná ’n dosyn Robert Hunter-rillers agter sy naam het die 65-jarige Sunday Times-blitsverkoper sy tegniek om lesers subtiel vreesbevange te maak, vervolmaak. As ’n voormalige kriminele sielkundige met meer as 100 sake van reeksmoorde, grumoorde en geharde misdadigers onder sy belt, weet hy hoe om met ’n paar sinne – sonder dat hy die bloed en derms in die fynste detail uitryg – lesers te vang: hoek, lyn en sinker. Daarna begin hy jou met nege-en-negentig kort hoofstukke inkatrol sodat jy tevergeefs rondspartel om te werk, maar om die dood kan jy nie die boek neersit nie.
Die eerste hoofstuk, waar die moordenaar met die karakter Melissa Hawthorne kommunikeer, het my aan die vroeë werke van maestro Stephen King herinner. Pure vrees! Ek kon die boek eers in daglig voltooi.
Die skrywer bou op dié vrees met vlymskerp opmerkings. “Do you believe the Devil exists? ... The reason I ask, Detective Hunter, is because if you don’t ... you might change your mind once you get here,” verduidelik die karakter Speurder William Barnes. En dit is nog voordat ons ’n voorskou van die moordtoneel gekry het!
In ’n neutedop: ná ses maande op haar eie ontmoet Melissa ’n aantreklike man, Mark, in die Broken Shaker-nagklub tydens haar beste vriendin se verjaarsdag. ’n Paar uur later hang sy in haar kombuis aan ’n vishaak.
Robert Hunter en Carlos Garcia moet vasstel of dit ’n haat-moord is.
Hoe meer hulle oor Mark uitvind, hoe meer kom hy verdag voor. En soos in alle goeie reeksmoordboeke is daar nooit net een lyk nie. Die karakter Kirsten Hansen is volgende...
Genesis het my so vreesbevange gehad, ek wil beslis nie ’n karakter in een van sy boeke wees nie.
The post Wees bevrees: <i>Genesis</i> deur Chris Carter, ’n lesersindruk appeared first on LitNet.
